FULLERS HISTORY OF THE HOLY WAR

CHARLES WHITT1NCHAM CH1SWICK

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THE* HISTORY- OF- THE

•HOLY- WAR- •BY-THOM AS-FULLER-

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OF THE

LONDON

WILLIAM PICKERING 1840

UN IV

TO THE HONOURABLE

EDWARD MONTAGU,

SON AND HEIR

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

EDWARD LORD MONTAGU

OF BOUGHTON.

SIR JOHN POWLET,

SON AND HEIR

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

JOHN LORD POWLET OF

HINTON ST. GEORGE.

WHEN I observe the several alterations in nobility, I find four principal actors on the theatres of great families ; the beginner, advancer, V" continuer, and ruiner. The beginner is he who by his \ virtues refineth himself from the dross of the vulgar, and layeth the foundation of his house : an excellent workman indeed, as who not only bringeth his tools, but maketh his materials. The advancer, who im- proveth the patrimony of honour he receiveth ; and what his father found glass and made crystal, he findeth crystal and maketh it pearl. The continuer, who keepeth his nobility alive, and passeth it along, neither marring nor mending it ; but sendeth it to his son as he received it from his father. The ruiner, who basely degenerateth from his ancestors ; so that in him nobi- lity hath run so far from its first starting, that it is tired : and whilst he liveth he is no better than his grandfather's tomb ; without, carved over with honour- able titles ; within, full of emptiness, or what is worse, corruption.

Now to apply. You cannot be beginners of your families ; that care was cared for, before your nurses were chosen, or your cradles provided. Your fathers, b

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vi EPISTLE DEDICATORY.

though of late years fixed in a higher sphere, were bright stars long before. None can go on in our English chronicles, but they must meet with a Mon- tagu and a Powlet, either in peace in their gowns, or in war in their armour. Yea, when I go backward by the streams of your paternal nobility (not to speak of the tributary brooks of their matches), I can never find the first fountain ; and hope none shall ever find the last fall. For as for the ruiners of houses, I should rend that thought out with my heart, if it should con- ceive that of you. Nay, let me tell you, if you be but bare continuers of your honour, you deceive both the desires and hopes of your friends. Good is not good when proceeding from them from whom far better is expected. Your youthful virtues are so promising, that you cannot come off in your riper age with credit, with- out performing what may redound to the advancing of the honour of your family, and without building your houses one story higher in the English history.

Now knowT, next religion, there is nothing accom- plkheth a man more than learning. Learning in a lord is as a diamond in gold. And if you fear to hurt your tender hands with thorny school-questions, there is no danger in meddling wTith history, which is a velvet study, and recreation work. What a pity is it to see a proper gentleman to have such a crick in his neck that he cannot look backward ! yet no better is he who cannot see behind him the actions which long since were performed. History maketh a young man to be old, without either wrinkles or gray hairs ; pri- vileging him with the experience of age, without either the infirmities or inconveniences thereof. Yea, it not only maketh things past, present ; but enableth one to make a rational conjecture of things to come. For this \vorld afFordeth no new accidents, but in the same sense wherein we call it a new moon, which is the old one in another shape, and yet no other than what hath been formerly. Old actions return again, furbished over with some new and different circum- stances.

ft

EPISTLE DEDICATORY.

r amongst all particular histories (I may say) is more£ej2£EaLthan this of the Holy War, which I present to your honours. Some will condemn me tor an ill husband, in lavishing two noble patrons on one book, whereas, one of them might have served to have patronised many volumes. But first, I did it in the weak expression of my thankfulness unto you, being deeply indebted to you both ; and I thought it dishonesty to pay all to one creditor, and none to another : and therefore conceived it best, to share my estate jointly betwixt you, as far forth as it would extend. Secondly, considering the weakness of this work, now being to walk abroad in the world, I thought it must be led by both arms, and needed a double supporter. And now I am sure this Holy War, which was unhappy heretofore, when acted, will be happy hereafter, now written and related, because dedicated to your honours. So resteth

Your honours'

in all service

THOMAS FULLER.

BROAD-WINDSOR,

March 6, 1639.

TO THE READER.

IN this work I can challenge nothing to myself, but the composing of it. The materials were found to my hand ; which if any historian will make, let him not be commended for wit, but shamed for falsehood. If every where I have not charged the margin with the author's names, it is either because the story is author for itself (I mean, generally received), or to avoid the often citing of the same place. Where I could not go abroad myself, there I have taken air at the window, and have cited authors on others' citations ; yet so that the stream may direct to the fountain.

If the reader may reap in few hours what cost me more months, just cause have I to rejoice, and he (I hope) none to complain. Thus may the faults of this book redound to myself, the profit to others, the glory to God.

TO HIS WORTHY AND LEARNED FRIEND,

MR. THOMAS FULLER,

UPON HIS EXCELLENTLY COMPOSED HISTORY OF THE HOLY WAR.

CAPTAIN of arts, in this thy Holy War My muse desires to be thy trumpeter, In thy just praise to spend a blast or two, For this is all that she (poor thing) can do.

Peter the Hermit, like an angry owl, Would needs go tight all armed in his cowl. What, had the holy man nought else to do, But thus to lose his blood and credit too ? Seeking to win Christ's sepulchre, God wot, He found his own ; this was the ground he got. Except he got more ground, when he one day Besieging Antioch fiercely ran away. Much wiser was the Pope : at home he stayed, And made the world believe he wept and prayed. Meanwhile (behold the fruit of feigned tears) He sets the world together by the ears. His head serves him, whilst others use their hands : Whilst princes lose their lives, he gets their lands. To win the Holy Land what need kings roam ? The pope can make a Holy Land at home By making it his own : then for a fashion, 'Tis said to come by Constantine's donation. For all this fox-craft, I have leave (I hope) To think my friend far wiser than the pope And hermit both : he deals in holy wars, Not as a stickler in those fruitless jars, But a composer rather : hence this book ; Whereon whilst I with greedy eyes do look, Methinks I travel through the Holy Land, Viewing the sacred objects on each hand. Here mounts (methinks), like Olivet, brave sense ; There flows a Jordan of pure eloquence : A temple rich in ornament I find Presented here to my admiring mind. Strange force of Art! the ruined holy city Breeds admiration in me now, not pity. To testify her liking, here my muse Makes solemn vows, as holy pilgrims use.

I vow, dear friend, the Holy War is here

Far better writ than ever fought elsewhere.

Thousands have fought and died : but all this while,

I vow, there nothing triumphs but thy style.

Thy wit hath vanquished barbarfsm more

Than ever Godfrey's valour did before.

Might I but choose, I rather would by far

Be author of thy book than of that war.

Let others fight ; I vow to read thy works,

Prizing thy ink before the blood of Turks.

J. BOOTH, B.D.C.C.C.

ON THE TITLE OF THIS BOOK.

HOW comes stern war to be accounted holy, By nature fierce, complexion melancholy ? I'll tell you how : sh' has been at Rome of late, And gained an indulgence to expiate Her massacres ; and by the pope's command Sh' has been a pilgrim to the Holy Land, Where freeing Christians by a sacred plot, She for her pains this epithet hath got.

H. ATKINS.

NOR need Jerusalem, that holy mother, Envy old Troy ; since she has found another To write her battles, and her wars rehearse In prose as elegant as Homer's verse. Let Sueton's name august as Caesar's be ; Curtius more worlds than Alexander see ; Let Joseph in his country's siege survive, And Phoenix-like in his own ashes thrive : Thy work great Fuller, will outlive their glory, And make thy memory sacred as thy story. Thy style is clear and white : thy very name Speaks pureness, and adds lustre to the frame. All men could wish, nay long, the world would jar, So thou'dst be pleased to write, compose the War. H. HLTTON, M. A. C. Jes.

TO MY FRIEND MR. THOMAS FULLER,

ON HIS BOOK " THE HOLY WAR."

"V1THILE of thy book I speak, friend, I'll think on W Thy Jordan for my purest Helicon ; And for biforked Parnassus, I will set My fancy on the sacred Olivet.

XI

Tis holy ground which now my measured feet Must tread on ; then (as in due right 'tis meet) Let them be bare and plain ; for quainter art May sacrifice to thee without a heart ; And while it praiseth this thy work, may preach His glory, rather than thy merit's reach.

Here, reader, thou mayst judge and well compare Who most in madness, Jew or Roman, share : This not so blind, yet in the clearest day Does stumble still on stocks, on stones, on clay ; The other will in bright and highest noon Choose still to walk by glimmering light o' th' moon. Here thou mayst represented see the right Between our earthly flesh and heavenly Sp'rit. Lo, how the Turk doth drive with flaming sword, Salvation from him and God's holy word, As once the angel did rebellious vice With Adam force from blessed paradise. And this in style diamond-like doth shine, Which firmest parts and clearest do combine, And o'er the sad ground of the Jewish story As light embroidery explays its glory. The temple razed and ruined seems more high In his strong phrase, than when it kissed the sky. And as the viper, by those precious tears Which Phaeton bemoaned, of amber wears A rich (though fatal) coat; so here enclosed With words so rare, so splendent, so composed, E'en Mahomet has found a tomb, which shall Last when the fainting loadstone lets him fall.

HENRY VINTENER.

TO HIS OLD FRIEND MR. FULLER.

I LOVE no wars, I love no jars, Nor strife's fire : May discords cease ; Let's live in peace ; This I desire.

If it must be Wars we must see

So (fates conspire), May we not feel The force of steel ;

This I desire.

Xll

But in thy book When I do look

And it admire ; Let war be there, But peace elsewhere ;

This I desire.

THO. JACKSON.

TO HIS WORTHY FRIEND MR. THOMAS FULLER,

ON HIS BOOK " THE HOLY WAR."

THERE'S not a story, friend, in thy book told, But's a jewel ; each line a thread of gold. Though war sound harsh, and doth our minds affright, Yet clothed in well-wrought language 't doth delight. Such is thy gilded phrase, I joy to read In thee massacres, and to see men bleed. Oft have I seen in hangings on a wall The ruins of great Troy, and Priam's fall ; A story in itself so full of woe, Twould make the Grecian weep that was the foe ; But being wrought in arras, and made gay Writh rich embroidery, 't makes th' beholder say, I like it well ; this flame, that scar is good ; And then commend : this wound, that stream of blood. Things in themselves distasteful, are by art Made pleasant, and do much delight the heart. Such is thy book ; though it of blood relate And horrid war, whose very name we hate, Yet clad in arras-language and thy phrase, Doth not affright, but with delight amaze, And with such power upon our senses seize, That 't makes war dreadful in itself, to please.

WILLIAM JOHNSON, Q. Coll.

TO HIS DEAR FRIEND MR. FULLER.

WE need not now those zealous votaries meet, Or pilgrims turn ; but on our verses' feet. Thy quill hath winged the earth ; the Holy Land Doth visit us, commanded by thy hand. If envy make thy labours prove thy loss, No marvel if a crusade wear the cross.

CLEMENT BRETTON, Sidn. Coll.

THE HISTORY OF THE HOLY WAR.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I. — The Destruction of the City and Temple of Jerusalem by the Romans, under the Conduct of Titus.

WHEN the Jews had made the full measure of their sins run over, by putting to death the Lord of Life [A. D. 34], God's judgments (as they deserved, and our Saviour foretold) quickly overtook them ; for a mighty army of the Romans besieged and sacked the city of Jerusalem [72], wherein by fire, famine, sword, civil discord, and foreign force1, eleven hundred thousand were put to death. An incredible number it seemeth : yet it cometh within the compass of our belief, if we consider that the siege began at the time of the passover, when in a manner all Judea was enclosed in Jerusalem, all private synagogues doing then their duties to the mother temple; so that the city then had more guests than inhabitants. Thus the passover, first2 instituted by God in mercy to save the Israelites from death, was now used by him in justice to hasten their destruction, and to gather the nation into a bundle to be cast into the fire of his anger. Besides those who were slain, ninety- seven thousand were taken captives; and they who had bought our Saviour for thirty pence3 were themselves sold thirty for a penny. The general of the Romans in this action was Titus, son to Vespasian the emperor : a prince so good, that he was styled the Darling of Mankind4 for

1 Josephus, lib. 7, Belli Jud. Gr. c. 45, Lat. c. 17. '- Exod. xii. 13.

3 Adricom. in Actis A post. fol. 282, credo, ex Hegesippo.

4 Suetonius in Tito.

B

2 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 132

his sweet and loving nature (and pity it was so good a stock had not been better grafted), so virtuously disposed, that he may justly be counted the glory of all Pagans, and shame of most Christians. He laboured what lay in his power to have saved the temple, and many therein ; but the Jews, by their obstinacy and desperateness, made themselves in- capable of any mercy. Then was the temple itself made a sacrifice, and burnt to ashes ; and of that stately structure, which drew the apostles' admiration, not a stone left upon a stone. The walls of the city (more shaken with the sins of the Jews defending them, than with the battering rams of the Romans assaulting them) were levelled to the ground ; only three towers left standing, to witness the great strength of the place, and greater valour of the Romans who con- quered it. But whilst this storm fell on the unbelieving Jews, it was calm amongst the Christians ; who, warned by Christ's predictions, and many other prodigies, fled betimes out of the city to Pella (a private place beyond Jordan), which served them instead of a little Zoar, to save them from the imminent destruction5.

CHAP. II. — How Judea was dispeopled of Jews by Adrian the Emperor.

rj^HREESCORE years after [132], Adrian the emperor JL rebuilt the city of Jerusalem, changing the situation somewhat westward, and the name thereof to yElia. To despite the Christians, he built a temple x over our Saviour's grave, with the images of Jupiter and Venus; another at Bethlehem, to Adonis her minion : and to enrage the Jews, did engrave swine over the gates of the city : who, storming at the profanation of their land, brake into open rebellion, but were subdued by Julius Severus, the emperor's lieute- nant, an experienced captain, and many thousands slain, with Bencochab, their counterfeit Messias (for so he termed himself), that is, the son of a star, usurping that prophecy, Out of Jacob shall a star arise a ; though he proved but a fading comet, whose blazing portended the ruin of that nation. The captives, by order from Adrian, were trans- ported into Spain ; the country laid waste, which parted with her people and fruitfulness both together. Indeed pilgrims to this day here and there light on parcels of rich ground in Palestine ; which God may seem to have left,

5 Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 3, c. 5.

1 Hieron. torn. 1, p. 104. 2 Num. xxiv. 17.

A.D. 132 THE HOLY WAR. 3

that men may taste the former sweetness of the land, before it was soured for the people's sins ; and that they may guess the goodness of the cloth by the fineness of the shreds. But it is barren for the generality : the streams of milk and honey, wherewith once it flowed, are now drained dry ; and the whole face of the land looketh sad3, not so much for want of dressing, as because God hath frowned on it. Yet great was the oversight of Adrian, thus totally to unpeople a province, and to bequeath it to foxes and leopards. Though his memory vras excellent, yet here he forgot the old Romans' rule, who, to prevent desolations, where they rooted out the natives, planted in colonies of their own people. And surely the country recovered not a competency of inhabitants for some hundred years after. For though many pilgrims came thither in after ages, yet they came rather to visit than to dwell ; and such as remained there, most embracing single lives, were no breeders for posterity. If any say that Adrian did wilfully neglect this land, and prostitute it to ruin for the rebellion of the people ; yet all account it small policy in him, in punishing the Jews, to hurt his own empire, and by this vastation to leave fair and clear footing for foreign enemies to fasten on this coun- try, and from thence to invade the neighbouring dominions : as, after, the Persians and Saracens easily overran and dispeopled Palestine; and no wonder if a thin meadow were quickly mown. But to return to the Jews, such stragglers of them, not considerable in number, as escaped this banishment into Spain (for few hands reap so clean as to leave no gleanings), were forbidden to enter into Jerusa- lem, or so much as to behold it from any rise or advantage of ground. Yet they obtained4 of the after emperors, once a year (namely, on the tenth of August, whereon their city was taken), to go in and bewail the destruction of their temple and people, bargaining with the soldiers who waited on them, to give so much for so long abiding there ; and if they exceeded the time they conditioned for, they must stretch their purses to a higher rate : so that (as St. Hierome noteth) they who bought Christ's blood were then glad to buy their own tears.

3 Sand. Trav. p. 145. 4 Hieron. torn. 6, p. 256.

4 THE HISTORY OF

CHAP. III. — Of the present ivoful Condition of the Jews; and of the small Hope and *great RinderanceS of their Conversion.

nnilUS the main body of the Jews was brought into JL Spain, and yet they stretched their out-limbs into every country ; so that it was as hard to find a populous city without a common sink, as without a company of Jews. They grew fat on the barest pasture, by usury and brokage ; though often squeezed by those Christians amongst whom they lived, counting them dogs, and therefore easily finding a stick to beat them. And always in any tumult, when the fence of order was broken, the Jews lay next harms : as at the coronation of Richard the First, when the English made great feasts, but the pillaged Jews paid the shot. At last, for their many villanies (as falsifying of coin, poisoning of springs, crucifying of Chiistian children) they were slain in some places *, and finally banished out of others ; out of England, A. D. 1 291 , by Edward the First ; France, 1307, by Philip the Fair; Spain, 1492, by Ferdi- nand; Portugal, 1497, by Emmanuel "L. But had these two latter kings banished all Jewish blood out of their countries, they must have emptied the veins of their best subjects, as descended from them. Still they are found in great numbers in Turkey, chiefly in Salonichi, where they enjoy the freest slavery : and they who in our Saviour's time so scorned publicans, are now most employed in that office, to be the Turks' tollgatherers3 ; likewise in the popish parts of Germany; in Poland, the Pantheon of all religions; and Amsterdam may be forfeited to the king of Spain, when she cannot show a pattern of this as of all other sects. Lastly, they are thick in the pope's dominions, where they are kept as a testimony of the truth of the Scriptures, and foil to Christianity, but chiefly in pretence to convert them. But his holiness's converting faculty worketh the strongest at the greatest distance; for the Indians he turneth to his religion, and these Jews he converted! to his profit. Some are of opinion of the general calling of the Jews ; and no doubt those who dissent from them in their judgments, con- cur in their wishes and desires. Yet are there three grand hinderances of their conversion : first, the offence taken and given by the papists among whom they live, by their wor-

1 Minister Cosmogr. p. 457. 2 Polvd. Virg. p. 327.

3 Sandys' Trav. p. 146.

A. D.326 THE HOLY WAR. 5

shiping of images, the Jews being zealots in the -second commandment : secondly, because on their conversion they must renounce all their goods as ill gotten4; and they will scarce enter in at the door of our church, when first they must climb over so high a threshold : lastly, they are debarred from the use of the New Testament, the means of their salvation. Arid thus we leave them in a state most pitiful, and little pitied.

CHAP. IV* — Of' the flourish ing Church in Judea under Con- stantine. Julian's Success in building the Temple.

ADRIAN'S profanation of Jerusalem lasted one hundred and eighty years, as St. Hierome counteth it x : during which time the Christians, under the ten persecutions, had scarce a leap-year of peace and quiet, and yet bare all with invincible patience ; yea, some were too ambitious of mar- tyrdom, and rather wooed than waited for their own deaths* At last, Constantine (a Britain by birth, as all authors agree1, save one or two late wrangling Grecians, who deserve to be arraigned for felony, for robbing our land of that due honour) stanched the issue of blood wherewith the church had long been troubled, and brought her into acquaintance with peace and prosperity [326]. Then Helen, his mother (no less famous amongst the Christians for her piety, than the ancient Helen amongst Pagans for her beauty), travelled to Jerusalem ; zeal made her scarce sensible of her age, being eighty years old ; and there she purged Mount Calvary and Bethlehem of idolatry ; then built in the places of Christ's birth and burial, and elsewhere in Palestine, many most stately and sumptuous churches. And because she visited the stable and manger of our Saviour's nativity, Jews and Pagans slander her to have been stabularia3, an ostleress, or a she stable groom: the same nickname which since impudent papists (not for the same reason, but with as little truth) put on reverend Cranmer5, archbishop of Canterbury. But these dead flies were not able to corrupt the sweet ointment of her name, fragrant to posterity ; and as a father6 writeth of her, Bona stabularia, qua maluit testimari stercoraria ut Christum

4 P. Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine/p« 570, Sir Ed. Sandys' Survey of the West.

1 Epist. ad Paulinum, torn. 1, p. 104«

2 Camden, Brit. p. 51. 3 Ambros. cont. in Theodosium. * Fox, Martyrol. p. 1860. 6 Ambros. ibid*

6 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 363

lucrifaceret. To her is ascribed the finding out of the cross, the memory whereof is celebrated the third of May : and from that time the church flourished in Palestine, being as well provided of able bishops, as they of liberal maintenance.

363]. Afterwards Julian, going about to confute God, befooled himself and many Jews. This apostate studied to invent engines to beat down Christianity : yet all the vapours of his brain could not cloud so bright a sun. He gave the Jews liberty (not so much out of love to them as hatred to Christians), with money and materials, to build again their temple, hoping, by raising it, to ruin the truth of Christ's prophecy. Hither6 flocked the Jews, with spades and mattocks ^of silver, to clear the foundation; the women carried away the rubbish in their laps, and contributed all their jewels and ornaments to advance the work. But a sudden tempest7 made them desist, which carried away their tools and materials, with balls of fire which scorched the most adventurous of the builders. Thus they who sought to put out the truth of Christ's words, by snuffing it made it burn the brighter. But the wonder of this wonder was, that the hearts of the Jews, and of him who set them on work, were hardened by obstinacy to be so miracle-proof that all this made no impression on them. Yet afterwards8 the Christians, in the place where Solomon's temple was, built a stately church; but not in opposition to God, or with intent to reestablish Jewish rites, but in humility, and for the exercise of Christian religion : which church was long after the seat of the patriarch. But for fear to exceed the commission of an historian (who with the outward senses may only bring in the species, and barely relate facts, not with the common sense pass verdict or censure on them); I would say, they had better have built in some other place (especially having room enough besides), and left this floor, where the temple stood, alone to her desolations. Yea, God seemeth not so well contented with this their act, the Christians being often beaten out of that church; and at this day9 whosoever (though casually) entereth therein, must either forfeit his life or renounce his religion.

6 Ammianus Marcel, lib. 23, sub initio.

7 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3, cap. 20. Theodoret, lib. 3, cap. 20. Sozom. lib. 5, cap. 22.

. 8 Adricom. Descript. Terras Sanctae, p. 158. 9 Sand. Trav. p. 192.

A. D. 628 THE HOLY WAR. 7

CHAP. V. — Syria conquered by Chosroes ; Chosroes, by Heraclius the Grecian Emperor,

THE next remarkable alteration happened under Phocas the emperor, who (saith Tyrius ") had a nature answer- ing his name, which signifieth a seal, or sea-calf; for as that fish (little better than a monster) useth lazily to lie sleeping and sunning itself on the shore, so this careless usurper minded nothing but his own ease and pleasure, till at last he was slain by Heraclius, his successor [610]; as seldom tyrants' corpses have any other balm at their burial than their own blood. Phocas's negligence betrayed the empire to foreign foes [615], and invited Chosroes, the Persian, to invade it, who, with a great army, subdued Syria and Jerusalem. A conquest little honourable, as made against small resistance, and used with less modera- tion ; for, besides many other cruelties, he sold many thou- sands of Christians to the Jews, their old enemies2, who, in revenge of their former grudge, put them not only to drudgery, but to torture. Chosroes, to grace his triumph, carried the cross away with him, forced all the Christians in Persia to turn Nestorians3, and demanded of Heraclius, the Grecian emperor, that he should renounce his religion, and worship the sun4. Thus we see how lightheaded this Pagan did talk, being stark drunk with pride. But the Christian emperor, entering Persia with great forces, quelled at last this vaunting Sennacherib ; for to him might he well be compared, for pride, cruelty, blasphemous demands, and the manner of his death, being also slain by Siroes, one of his sons [628]. Heraclius, returning, took Jerusalem in his way, and there restored 5 the cross (counted a precious jewel) to the temple of the sepulchre, the cabinet whence it had been violently taken away ; and, in memorial thereof, instituted, on the fourteenth of September, the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross. Yet6 some make the celebration thereof of greater antiquity ; and the Grecians write, that Chrysostom (a hundred years before) died on the day called the Exaltation of the Cross. This, if it be true, and not antedated by a prolepsis, then Heraclius gave the lustre (not first original) to this festival, and scoured bright an old holy-day with a new solemnity.

1 Belli Sacri, lib. 23, cap. 21. 2 Theophanes in Aunal.

3 Paulus Diaconus, Miscel. lib. 18. 4 Cedrenus.

5 Tyrius, Bell. Sacr. lib. 23, cap. 20. 6 Baron. Mart. 1 4 Sept.

8 THE HISTORY OF A.D.636

CHAP. VI.— Of the Deluge of the Saracens in Syria, the Causes of the far spreading of Mahometan ism.

BUT the sins of the eastern countries, and chiefly their damnable heresies, hastened God's judgments upon them. In these western parts, heresies, like an angle, caught single persons ; which in Asia, like a drag-net, took whole provinces. The staid and settled wits of Europe were not easily removed out of the old road and track of religion, whilst the active and nimble heads of the east were more desirous of novelties, more cunning to invent distinctions to cozen themselves with, more fluent in lan- guage to express their conceits, as always errors grow the fastest in hot brains. Hence it came to pass, that Mel- chites, Maronites, Nestorians, Eutycheans, Jacobites, over- spread these parts, maintaining their pestilent tenets with all obstinacy, which is that dead flesh which maketh the green wound of an error fester by degrees into the old sore of an heresy. Then was it just with God to suffer them, who would not be convinced with Christian counsels, to be subdued by the Pagans' sword : for though Chosroes had not long a settled government in Palestine, but, as a land flood, came and went away quickly, yet the Saracens, who shortly followed, as standing water, drowned all for a long continuance [636]. These1, under Haumer, Prince of Arabia, took Jerusalem, conquered Syria, and propa- gated the doctrine of Mahomet round about.

It may justly seem admirable how that >enseless religion should gain so much ground on Christianity ; especially having neither real substance in her doctrine, nor winning behaviour in her ceremonies to allure professors. For what is- it but the scum of Judaism and Paganism sod together, and here and there strewed over with a spice of Christianity ? As Mahomet's tomb, so many sentences in his Alcoran seem to hang by some secret loadstone, which draweth together their gaping independences with a mystical cohe- rence, or otherwise they are flat nonsense. Yet this wonder of the spreading of this leprosy is lessened, if we consider that, besides the general causes of the growing of all errors (namely, the gangrene-like nature of evil, and the justice of God to deliver them over to believe lies who will not obey the truth), Mahometauism hath raised itself to this height by some peculiar advantages : first, by permitting much

1 Tyrius, Bell. Sacr. lib. 1, p. 2.

A. D. 800 THE HOLY WAR. 9

carnal liberty to the professors (as having many wives), and no wonder if they get fish enough that use that bait : secondly, by promising a paradise of sensual pleasure here- after, wherewith flesh and blood is more affected (as falling under her experience) than with hope of any spiritual delights : thirdly, by prohibiting of disputes, and suppress- ing of all learning ; and thus Mahomet made his shop dark on purpose, that he might vent any wares : lastly, this religion had never made her own passage so fast and so far, if the sword had not cut the way before her, as commonly the conquered follow, for the most part, the religion of the conquerors. By this means that cursed doctrine hath so improved itself, that it may outvie with professors the church of Rome, which boasteth so much of her latitude and extent; though from thence to infer that her faith is the best, is falsely to conclude the fineness of the cloth from the largeness of the measure.

Now the condition of the Christians under these Saracens was as uncertain as April weather. Sometimes they enjoyed the liberty and public exercise of their religion : and to give the Mahometans their due, they are generally good fellows in this point, and Christians amongst them may keep their consciences free, if their tongues be fettered not to oppose the doctrine of Mahomet. Sometimes they were under fierce and cruel affliction, their bishops and ministers forced to fly from their places were kept very poor, as always the clergy under persecution count that God gives them living enough, when hi gives them their lives. Tyrius* men- tioneth one memorable massacre, which they narrowly escaped : for a spiteful and malicious Saracen had secretly defiled one of their mosques in Jerusalem ; which deed being imputed to the poor Christians, they were all pre- sently dragged to the place of execution to be put to death, when behold a young man, a zealous Christian, by an offi- cious lie (the most lawful of all unlawful things), confessed himself alone to be guilty of the fact, and so, being killed by exquisite torments, saved the lives of many innocents. In memory of which act, the Christians in Jerusalem kept a constant solemnity, and once a year triumphantly marched, with palms in their hands, into the city, to perpetuate the remembrance of this deliverance [800], The longest vaca- tion from persecution they enjoyed was when Charles 3 was Emperor of the West, surnamed the Great ; a surname

8 Lib. 1, cap. 5. 3 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 3.

10 THE HISTORY OF A.D.800

which he did not steal, but justly win and deserve; not like Pompey, who got the title of the Great, though, as Caesar4 observed, he gained his chief fame for martial feats by conquering the weak and cowardly Bithynians. But this Charles, loved of his friends, feared of his foes, sub- dued the strong and lusty Lombards : yet did he not Chris- tianity more good by his war, than by his peace concluded with Aaron, emperor of the Saracens, under whom the Christians in Palestine obtained many privileges and much prosperity ; though this weather was too fair to last long.

CHAP. VIL— The Original and Increase of the Turks; their conquering the Saracens, and taking of Jerusalem.

BUT the Christians in Palestine afterward changed their masters, though not their condition, being subdued by the Turks. It will be worth our and the reader's pains to inquire into the original of this nation, especially because, (as the river Nilus) they are famous and well known for their overflowing stream, though hidden and obscure for their fountain. Whence they first came, authors only do agree in disagreeing : but most probably it is out of Scythia, Pomponius Mela1 reckoning them among the inhabitants of that country nigh the river Tanais. This Scythia (since called Tartaria) was a virgin country, never forced by foreign arms; for the monarchs who counted themselves conquerors of the world (by a large synecdoche taking a sixth part for the whole) never subdued it. Alex- ander sent some troops to assault Naura and Gabaza, two out-counties thereof, as an earnest that the rest of his army should follow : but hearing how these were welcomed, willingly lost his earnest, and disposed of his army other- wise. The Roman eagles flew not thus far, and though heard of, were never seen here. The reason that made the Turks leave their native soil was the barrenness thereof; and therefore the poet2" maketh famine (which sometimes travelleth abroad into other countries) here to have her constant habitation. And yet, no doubt, so vast a country would maintain her people, if the wildness thereof were tamed with husbandry : but the people (scorning that their ground should be better civilized than themselves) never manure it, and had rather provide their bread with the sword than with the plough. Other partial causes might

4 Suetonius, in Caesare.

1 Lib. 1, cap. ult. 2 Ovid. 8 Metam.

A. D. 1060 THE HOLY WAR. 11

share in these Turks' removal ; but the cause of causes was the justice of God, to suffer this unregarded people to grow into the terror of the world for the punishment of Christians : and we may justly hope, that when the correc- tion is done, the rod shall be burnt ; especially finding already their force to abate, being at this day stopped with the half kingdom of Hungary, who formerly could not be stayed by the whole empire of Greece.

844J. The first step these Turks took out of their own country was into Turcomania3, a northern part of Armenia, conquered and so called by them ; where they lived like the Scythian nomades, always wandering, yet always in their way, none claiming a propriety in the land as his, all defending the common interest therein as theirs.

The next step was into Persia, whither they were called to assist Mahomet, the Saracen sultan, against his enemies ; where taking notice of their own strength, the Saracens' cowardice, and the pleasure of Persia, they, under Tangro* lipix their first king, overcame that large dominion4 [1030], Then did the Turks take upon them the Mahometan religion, and, having conquered the Saracens by their valour, were themselves subdued by the Saracen superstition : an acci- dent more memorable, because not easily to be paralleled (excepting King Amaziah5, who having taken Edom was took with the idolatry thereof), because conquerors com- monly bring their religion into the places they subdue, and not take it thence.

Their third large stride was into Babylon, the caliph whereof they overcame. And shortly after, under Cutlu- muses their second king, they won Mesopotamia, the greatest part of Syria, and the city of Jerusalem6 [1060] . Meantime whilst these vultures (Turks and Saracens) pecked out each other's eyes, the Christians (if they had husbanded this occasion) might much have advantaged themselves, and might have recovered their health by these contrary poisons expelling each other. But the Grecian emperors, given over to pleasure and covetousness, regarded not their own good, till at last the Turks devoured them; as (God will- ing) shall be showed hereafter. As for those Christians who lived in Palestine under the Turks, they had no lease of their safety, but were tenants at will for their lives and goods to these tyrants : though it rained not downright, yet the storm

a Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 2. 4 Knolles, Tur. Hist. p. 4,

5 2 Chron. xxv. 14. 6 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 7.

12 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1094

of persecution hung over their heads ; their minds were ever in torture, being on the rack of continual fear and suspense; and Simon himself was no better than an honour- able slave, though patriarch of Jerusalem, as appeareth by his letters of complaint7.

CHAP. VIII.— The. Character of Peter the Hermit. His soliciting the Holy War. The Council at Clermont, and the Success thereof.

IT happened there came a pilgrim to Jerusalem called Peter, a hermit, bom at Amiens, in France, one of a contemptible person ; his silly looks carried in them a despair of any worth, and yet (as commonly the richest mines lie under the basest and barrenest surface of ground) he had a quick apprehension, eloquent tongue, and, what got him the greatest repute, was accounted very religious. With him Simon, the patriarch of Jerusalem, often treated, concerning the present miseries of the Christians under the Turks; what hope of amendment; and how the matter might secretly be contrived, that the princes in Europe might assist and relieve them. Peter, moved with the patriarch's persuasions, the equity and honourableness of the cause, and chiefly with a vision (as they say) from heaven * (wherein our Saviour himself appointed him his legate, with a commission to negotiate the Christian cause), took the whole business upon him [1094], and travelled to Rome, to consult with Pope Urban the Second about the advancing of so pious a design.

Now, though many cry up this hermit to have been so precious a piece of holiness, yet some1 suspect him to be little better than a counterfeit, and a cloak-father for a plot of the pope's begetting ; because the pope alone was the gainer by this great adventure, and all other princes of Europe, if they cast up their audit, shall find themselves losers: this with some is a presumption that this cunning mer- chant first secretly employed this hermit to be his factor, and to go to Jerusalem to set on foot so beneficial a trade for the Romish church. As for the apparition of our Saviour, one may wonder that the world should see most visions when it was most blind ; and that that age, most barren in learning, should be most fruitful in revelations. And surely had

7 Knolles, Tur. Hist. p. 13. » Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 12.

2 Ursperg. Chron, p. 227. Quern tamen postea multi hypo- critam fuisse dicebant.

,.D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 13

'eter been truly inspired by God, and moved by his Spirit 3 begin this war, he would not have apostated from his mrpose : so mortified a man would not have feared death n a good cause, as he did afterwards, and basely ran away t Antioch3. For when the siege grew hot, his devotion rew cold ; he found a difference betwixt a voluntary fast ^ his cell, and a necessary and indispensable famine in a amp ; so that being well hunger-pinched, this cunning ompanion, who was the trumpet to sound a march to others, ecretly sounded a retreat to himself, ran away from the est of the Christians, and was shamefully brought back gain for a fugitive4.

^But to return to Pope Urban, who was zealous in the ause to further it, and called a council at Clermont, in ''ranee [1095], where met many princes and prelates, to fhom he made a long oration5. Authors differ in the nould, but they agree in the metal, that it was to this ffect : — First, he bemoaned the miseries of the Christians n Asia, and the vastation of those holy places. Jerusalem, /hich was once the joy of the whole earth, was now become rie grief of all good men. The chapel of Christ's concep- ion, at Nazareth ; birth, at Bethlehem ; burial, on Mount Calvary; ascension, on Mount Olivet; once the fountains of >iety, were now become the sinks of all profaneness. Next, e encouraged the princes in the council to take arms against tiose infidels, and6 to break their bonds in sunder, and to ast their cords far from them, and (as it is written) to cast ut the handmaid and her children. Otherwise, if they /ould not help to quench their neighbours' houses, they lust expect the speedy burning of their own, and that these arbarous nations would quickly overrun all Europe, Now D set an edge on their courage, he promised to all that rent this voyage a full remission of their sins and penance iere, and the enjoying heaven hereafter. ( Lastly, thus con- luded7 ;-— " Gird your swords to your thighs, O ye men f might. It is our parts to pray, yours to fight ; ours with closes to hold up unwearied hands to God, yours to stretch orth the sword against these children of Amalek. Amen."

3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3, col. 357. Et JEtnilius, Digest. Franc. i. 123, in Philippe I.

4 Ut desertor signorum, fratrum commilitonumque proditor.

5 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3. Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 15. Baron, nno 1095. W. Malmsb. lib. 4, cap. 1. All have several set 'rations. 6 Baronius, in anno 1095, col. 688.

7 Baronius, in anno 1096, col. 691.

14 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1095

It is above belief with what cheerfulness this motion, meeting with an active and religious world, was generally entertained ; so that the whole assembly cried out8, " God \\iK.r. i it :" a speech which was afterwards used as a fortu- nate watchword in their most dangerous designs. Then took mariy of them a cross of red cloth on their right shoul- der, as a badge of their devotion; and to gain the favour- able assistance of the Virgin Mary to make this war the more happy, her office9 was instituted, containing certain prayers, which at canonical hours were to be made unto her. If fame, which hath told many a lie of others, be not herein belied herself, the things concluded in this council were the same night reported at impossible distance in the utmost parts of Christendom. What spiritual intelligencers there should be, or what echoes in the hollow arch of this world should so quickly resound news from the one side thereof to the other, belongeth not to us to dispute. Yet we find the overthrow 10 of Perseus brought out of Macedon to Rome in four days ; and fame (mounted no doubt on some Pegasus), in Domitian's time, brought a report two thousand five hundred miles in one day.

CHAP. IX. — Arguments for the Lawfulness of the Holy War.

IT is stiffly canvassed betwixt learned men, whether this war was lawful or not. The reasons for the affirmative are fetched either from piety or policy ; and of the former sort are these.

1. All the earth is God's land let out to tenants; but Judea was properly his demesnes, which he kept long in his own hands for himself and his children. Now though the infidels had since violently usurped it, yet no prescription of time could prejudice the title of the King of Heaven, but that now the Christians might be God's champions to re- cover his interest.

2. Religion bindeth men to relieve their brethren in dis-* tress, especially when they implore their help, as now the Christians in Syria did * ; whose entreaties in this case sounded commands in the ears of such as were piously dis-i posed.

3. The Turks, by their blasphemies and reproaches against God and our Saviour, had disinherited and divested

8 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3, page 354.

9 Baronius, torn. 11, p. 692. 10 Livius, lib. 45. 1 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 11.

,.D. 1095 T±(E HOLY WAR. 15

hemselves of all their right to their lands ; and the Chris- ians, as the next undoubted heirs, might seize on the for- eiture.

4. This war would advance and increase the patrimony f religion, by propagating the gospel, and converting of nfidels. If any object that religion is not to be beaten into len with the dint of sword ; yet it may be lawful to open le way by force, for instruction, catechising, and such ther gentle means to follow after.

5. The beholding of those sacred places in Palestine fould much heighten the adventurers' devotion, and make le most frozen heart to melt into pious meditations.

6. This enterprise1 was furthered by the persuasions of undry godly men, St. Bernard and others. Now though a ring spirit may delude the prophets of Ahab, yet none rill be so uncharitable as to think God would suffer his. wn Micaiah to be deceived.

6. God 3 set his hand to this war, and approved it by lany miracles which he wrought in this expedition, and 'hich are so confidently and generally reported by credit- worthy writers, that he himself is a miracle that will not be* eve them.

Neither want there arguments derived from policy.

1 . Palestine was a parcel of the Roman empire, though ince won by the Saracens; and though the Emperor of Jonstantinople could not recover his right, yet did he al- ways continue his claim, and now (as appeared4 by his mers read in the Placentine council) Alexius requested lese princes of the west to assist him in the recovery hereof.

2. A preventive war, grounded on a just fear of an in- asion, is lawful ; but such was this holy war. And be- ause most stress is laid on this argument, as the main upporter of the cause, we will examine and prove the parts lereof.

Though umbrages and light jealousies, created by cow- rdly fancies, be too narrow to build a fair quarrel on, etthe lawfulness of a preventive war, founded on just fear, 5 warranted by reason and the practice of all wise nations, n such a case, it is folly to do as country fellows in a fence chool, never ward a blow till it be past ; but it is best to be Beforehand with the enemy, lest the medicine come too late

* Bellarm. lib. 3, de Rom. Pont. cap. 17. 3 Ibidem. 4 Baronius, torn. 11, p. 687.

16 THE HISTORY <)F A. D. 1095

for the malady. In such dangers to play an after game is rather a shift than a policy, especially seeing war is a tragedy which always destroyeth the stage whereon it is acted. It is the most advised way not to wait for the enemy, but to seek him out in his own country.

Now, that the Mahometans (under whom the Turks and Saracens are comprehended, differing in nation, agreeing in religion and spite against Christians) were now justly to be feared, cannot be denied. . So vast was the appetite of their sword, that it had already devoured Asia, and now reserved Grecia for the second course. The Bosporus was too narrow a ditch, and the empire of Grecia too low a hedge, to fence the Pagans out of West Christendom ; yea, the Saracens had lately wasted Italy5, pillaged and burned many churches near Rome itself, conquered Spain, inroaded Aquitain, and possessed some islands in the midland-sea. The case, therefore, standing thus, this holy war was both lawful and necessary ; which like unto a sharp pike in the boss of a buckler, though it had a mixture of offend ing, yet it was chiefly of a defensive nature, to which all preventive wars are justly reduced.

Lastly, this war would be the sewer of Christendom, and drain all discords out of it. For active men, like millstones in motion, if they have no other grist to grind, will set fire one on another. Europe at this time surfeited with people, and many of them were of stirring natures, who counted themselves undone when they were out of doing, and there- fore they employed themselves in mutual jars and conten- tions; but now this holy war will make up all breaches, and unite all their forces against the common foe of Chris^ tianity.

CHAP, X. — Reasons against the Holy War.

YET all these reasons prevail not so forcibly, but that many are of the contrary opinion1, and count this war both needless and unlawful, induced thereunto with these or the like arguments.

J . When the Jews were no longer God's people, Judea was no longer God's land by any peculiar approbation ; but on the other side, God stamped on that country- an in-

5 Sabeil. Enu. 9, lib. 3, p. 354.

1 Job. Cammanus, De Jure Majest. Thes. 22. Et Albert Aqu. Chro. Hieros, lib. 4, cap. 28. Et Reineccius in Prref. Hist. Orient.

A.D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 17

delible character of desolation, and so scorched it with his anger that it will never change colour, though Christians should wash it with their blood. It is labour in vain, there- fore, for any to endeavour to reestablish a flourishing king- dom in a blasted country; and let none ever look to reap any harvest who sow that land which God will have to lie fallow.

2. Grant the Turks were no better than dogs, yet were they lb be let alone in their own kennel. They and the Saracens, their predecessors, had now enjoyed Palestine four hundred and sixty years : prescription long enough to solder the most cracked title, and not only to corroborate but to create a right. Yea, God himself may seem herein to allow their title, by suffering them so long peaceably to enjoy it.

3. To visit those places in Jerusalem (the theatre of so many mysteries and miracles) was as useless as difficult, and might be superstitious if any went (as it is to be feared too many did) with placing transcendent holiness in that place, and with a wooden devotion to the material cross. The angel z sent the women away from looking into the sepulchre with He is risen, he is not here ; and thereby did dehort them and us from burying our affections in Christ's grave, but rather to seek him where he was to be found. At this day a gracious heart maketh every place a Jerusa- lem, where God may as well and as acceptably be wor- shiped. St. Hilarion3, though he lived in Palestine, saw Jerusalem but once, and then only because he might not seem to neglect the holy places for their nearness and vici- nity. And St. Hierom (though himself lived at Bethlehem) dissuaded Paulinus from coming thither, for the pains would be above the profit.

4. Lastly, this war was a quicksand to swallow treasure, and of a hot digestion to devour valiant men ; no good, much evil, came thereby : and the Christians that went out to seek an enemy in Asia, brought one thence, to the danger of all Europe, and the loss of a fair part thereof. For though

Car eat successibus opto,

Quisquis ab eventufucta not and a putat :

may he never speed,

Who from the issue censures of the deed :

2 Matt, xxviii. 6.

3 Hieroa. torn. 1, p. 103, in Epist. ad Paulinum.

c

18 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1095

and though an argument fetched from the success is but a cipher in itself, yet it increaseth a number when joined with others.

These reasons have moved the most moderate4' and re- fined papists, and all protestants generally, in their judg- ments to fight against this holy war. But as for the opinion of Bibliander (who therein stands without company) if Bel- larmine hath truly reported it5, it is as far from reason as charity; namely, that these Christians that went to fight against the Saracens were the very army of Gog and Ma- gog spoken of by the prophet Ezekiel 6. Yet must we not here forget, that such as at this time went to Jerusalem (whether ridiculously or blasphemously, or both, let others judge) did carry a goose before them7, pretending it to be the Holy Ghost.

CHAP. XI. — The private Ends and Profits of the Pope, which he is charged by Authors to have had in this Holy War.

IT is enough with some to make it suspicious that there were some sinister ends in this war, because Gregory the Seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand (and by Luther Larva diaboli1}, the worst of all that sat in that chair, first began it; but death preventing him, Urban the Second (whom Cardinal Benno called Turban % for troubling the whole world) effected it. And though the pretences were pious and plausible, yet no doubt the thoughts of his holi- ness began where other men's ended, and he had a privy project beyond the public design :

First, to reduce the Grecians into subjection to himself3, with their three patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Con- stantinople ; and to make the eastern church a chapel of eas e to the mother church of Rome.

Secondly, this war was the pope's house of correction, whither he sent his sturdy and stubborn enemies to be tamed. Such high-spirited men whom he either feared or suspected, he condemned to this employment, as to an honourable banishment ; and as Saul being afraid of David sent him to fight against the Philistines, that so he might fall by their sword ; so the pope had this cleanly and un-

4 Vide Besoldum, De Regibus Hieros. p. 99, et sequentibus.

5 Lib. 3, De Rom. Pon. cap. 17. 6 Ezek. xxxviii. 3. 7 Aventinus, lib. 5, Annal. l In bis Chronology.

2 Balaeus, in Rom. Pont, in Urban. 2.

3 Mat. Dress. De Bello Sacr. cited by Lampadius Mellifu-. histor. part 3, p. 266.

A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 19

suspected conveyance to rid away those he hated4, by send- ing them against infidels. This appeared most plainly in the matter of the emperor himself, whom he sent from home, that so he might rob his house in his absence. At the be- ginning of this war the pope's temporal power in Italy was very slender, because the emperor's dominions did gird him close and hard on all sides ; .but soon after he grew within short time without all measure, and did lurch a castle here, gain a city there, from the emperor, while he was employed in Palestine ; so that by the time that the Christians had lost all in Syria, the emperor has lost all in Italy ; his domi- nions there being either swallowed up by Peter's patrimony, or by private princes and upstart free states, which as so many splinters flew out of the broken empire.

Thirdly, hereby the pope determined on his side the gain- fullest controversy that ever was in Christendom. This was about the investiture of bishops, whether the right lay in the pope or in secular princes. Now his holiness diverted this question out of princes' heads by opening an issue another way, and gave vent to the activity of their spirits in this martial employment, and in the mean time quietly went away without any corrival, concluding the controversy for his own profit.

Lastly, he got a mass of money by it. He had the office to bear the bag, and what was put into it, as contributed to this action from pious people, and expended but some few drops of the showers he received. Guess the rest of his griping tricks from this one which Matth. Paris reporteth5. First, he prompted many people in England unfit for arms to take upon them to vow to go to the holy war, and this was done by the exhortation and preaching of the friars. This done, he compelled and forced those votaries (whose purses were more useful for this service than their persons) to commute their journey into money, the payment whereof should be as meritorious as their pilgrimage. And thus scraped he a mass of coin from such silly people as thought themselves cleansed of their sins when they were wiped of their money, and who, having made themselves slaves to the pope by their rash vow, were glad to buy their liberty at his price.

4 See Daniel, in Henry the Third, p. 141.

5 Hist. Angl. pp. 702 et 703, Diversis muscipulis simplicem Dei populum substantial sua moliebatur Komaua curia privare, nihil petens nisi aurum et argentum.

20 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1095

As the pope, so most of the clergy improved their estates by this war ; for the secular princes who went this voyage sold or mortgaged most of their means (selling for gold to purchase with steel and iron), and the clergy were generally their chapmen. For they advised these undertakers, seeing this action was for Christ and his church, rather to make over their estates to spiritual men, of whom they might again redeem the same, and from whom they should be sure to find the fairest dealing, than to laymen. Godfrey, duke of Bouillon6, sold that dukedom to the bishop of Liege; and the castle of Sartensy and Monsa, to the bishop of Verdun. Baldwin, his brother, sold him the city of Ver- dun. Yea, by these sales the third part7 of the best feoffs in France came to be possessed by the clergy, who made good bargains for themselves, and had the conscience to buy earth cheap, and to sell heaven dear. Yea, this voyage laid the foundation of their temporal greatness, till at last, the daughter devoured the mother, and wealth impaired religion.

CHAP. XII. — The Quality and Condition of those People who undertook the War.

IT is not to be expected that all should be fish which is caught in a drag-net, neither that all should be good and religious people who were adventurers in an action of so large a capacity as this war was. We must in charity allow, that many of them were truly zealous and went with pious intents. These were like to those of whom Bellar- mine speaketh, who had no fault prater nimiam sanctitutem, too much sanctity, which a learned man ' interpreted! too much superstition. But besides these well-meaning people, there went also a rabble-rout, rather for company than con- science. Debtors1 took this voyage on them as an acquit- tance from their debts, to the defrauding of their creditors ; servants counted the conditions of their service cancelled by it, going away against their masters' will ; thieves and mur- derers took upon them the cross, to escape the gallows ; adul- terers did penance in their armour. A lamentable case that the devil's black guard should be God's soldiers ! And no wonder if the success was as bad as some of the adven-

6 jEmilius, De Gest. Fran. p. 109.

7 Daniel, in Henry the First, p. 49.

1 Whitaker, De Eccl. Contro. 2, cap. 11.

2 Albert, Aquin. Chron. Hierosol. lib. 1, cap. 2.

A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 21

turers, especially seeing they retained their old conditions under anew climate. 3And (as if this voyage had been like to repentance, never too soon nor too late for any to begin) not only green striplings unripe for war, but also decayed men to whom age had given a writ of ease, became sol- diers ; and those who at home should have waited on their own graves, went far to visit Christ's sepulchre. And which was more, women (as if they would make the tale of the Amazons truth) went with weapons in men's clothes; a behaviour at the best immodest, and modesty being the case of chastity, it is to be feared that where the case is broken, the jewel is lost. This enterprise was also the mother of much nonresidence ; many prelates and friars (fitter to handle a penknife than a sword) left their con- vents and pastoral charges to follow this business. The total sum of those pilgrim soldiers amounted to three hun- dred thousand, and some writers4 do double that number. No doubt the Christians' army had been greater if it had been less, for the belly was too big for the head ; and the medley of nations did rather burden than strengthen it. Besides, the army was like a cloth of many colours, and more seams ; which seams, though they were curiously drawn up for the present, yet after long? wearing began to be seen, and at last brake out into open rents.

CHAP. XIII. — The Adventurers sorted according to their several Nations.

THE Fiench. Dutch, Italian, and English were the four elemental nations whereof this army was compounded : of these the French were predominant ; they were the cape merchants in this adventure. That nimble nation first apprehended the project, and eagerly prosecuted it. As their language wanteth one proper word to express stand, so their natures mislike a settled, fixed posture, and delight in motion and agitation of business ; yea, France (as being then best at leisure) contributed more soldiers to this war than all Christendom besides. The signal men were — Hugh, surnamed le Grand, brother to the king of France ; Godfrey, duke of Bouillon; Baldwin, and Eustace, his younger brother ; Stephen, earl of Blois, father to Stephen, afterwards king of England; Reimund, earl of Toulouse ; Robert, earl of Flanders ; Hugh, earl of St. Paul ; Bald-

3 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 16. 4 Malmesb. lib. 4, p. 133.

22 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1095

win de Burge, with many more ; besides of the clergy, Aimar, bishop of Puiand legate to the pope; and William, bishop of Orange.

Germany is slandered to have sent none to this war at this first voyage ; and that other pilgrims, passing through that country, were mocked by the Dutch, and called fools for their pains '. It is true, the German adventurers in number answered not the largeness and populousness of their coun- try ; for Henry, the emperor (a prince whom the pope long hacked at, and hewed him off at last), being desirous to go this voyage % was tied up at home with civil discords. Yet we find a competency of soldiers of that nation, besides those under Godescalcus a priest, Emmicho the Rhene- grave, and Count Herman, their leaders. But though Ger- many was backward at the first, yet afterwards it proved the main Atlas of the war; that nation, like a heavy bell, was long a raising, but being got up made a loud sound.

Italy sent few out of her heart and middle provinces nigh Rome. The pope was loath to adventure his darlings into danger; those white boys were to stay at home with his holiness their tender father: wherefore he dispensed with them for going3, as knowing how to use their help nearer, and to greater profit. Peter's patrimony must as well be looked to, as Christ's sepulchre. But though the pope would spend none of his own fuel, he burnt the best stakes of the emperor's hedge, and furthered the imperial party to consume itself in this tedious war. Out of the furthermost parts of Italy, Boemund, prince of Tarentum, and Tancred, his nephew (both of the Norman seed, though growing on the Apulian soil), led an army of twelve thou- sand men ; and Lombardy was also very liberal of her sol- diers towards this expedition.

England4 (the pope's packhorse in that age, which seldom rested in the stable when there was any work to be done) sent many brave men under Robert, duke of Normandy, brother to William Rufus; as Beauchamp, and others whose names are lost. Neither surely did the Irishmen's feet stick in their bogs, though we find no particular mention of their achievements.

Spain had other use for her swords against the Saracens

1 Centurist. ex Ursperg. cent. 11, col. 416.

2 Pantaleon, De viris Ger. part 2, p. 139.

3 Daniel, in Will, the Second, p. 49.

4 Daniel, ut prius.

A.D 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 23

at home, and therefore sent none of her men abroad. As one saith5, the Spaniards did follow their own holy war, a work more necessary, and no less honourable. Thus they acted the same part, though not on the same stage, with our pilgrims, as being also employed in fight against the infidels.

Poland had the same excuse for not much appearing clean through this war; because she lieth bordering on the Tartars in herappendant country of Lithuania, and therefore was busied in making good her frontiers. Besides, no won- der if Prussia, Lithuania, and Livonia were not up in this service, for it was scarce break of day with them, and the sun of the gospel was newly (if at all) risen in those parts. Yea, Poland was so far from sending men hither, that she fetched them from hence6, and afterwards implored the aid of the Teutonic order, who came out of Palestine to assist her against her enemies.

Hungary might bring filling-stones to this building, but few foundation or corner-stones, and at this time had no commander of note in this action.

Scotland also presented us not with any remarkable piece of service which her men performed in all this war. It was not want of devotion, which was hot enough in that cold country ; rather we may impute it to want of shipping, that country being little powerful at sea, or (which is most pro- bable) the actions of this nation are hidden, as wrapped up in the bundle with some others ; I should guess under the French, but the intimacy of those two people is of a far later date.

Denmark and Norway, near acquainted with the Arctic pole, though they lagged the last (and may therein be ex- cused because of the length of the way), were sharers in the honour of this employment, and performed good sea- service.

Sweden either acted not at all, or else had a very short part in this business. That country being a separatist, be- cause of her remote situation, had little communion with other parts of Europe. And indeed histories are mute of Sweden, but that of late Gustavus's victory hath put a tongue into them, and hath made that country famous to all pos- terity.

5 ^milius, de Gest. Fran. p. 109.

6 Munstur, Cosmogr.

24 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1096

CHAP. XIV. — The sad Beginning of the War.

THEIR first setting forth [March 8, 1096] was checked with bad success. For Walter Sensaver, a nobleman (but what countryman it is unknown), who * had more of the sail of valour than ballast of judgment, led forth an ill- grown and unproportioned army, with many thousand foot, and eight horsemen only *. But we must not think that this fowl should fly far, whose wings were so short, and train so long. His men were routed and slain by the Bul- garians, and he himself, through many miseries, scarce re- covered Constantinople. Peter the Hermit3, with his army, went further to meet his own destruction. For after many difficulties, having crossed the Bosporus, they came into Asia, and there found some cities forsaken by the Turks, their inhabitants. This they imputed to their enemies' fear, which proceeded from their policy; and, therefore, being more greedy to pillage than careful to fortify the places they took, hunted after preys so long, till they became one them- selves [July]. Hugh, brother to the king of France, with his surname of the Great, had as little success as the former ; his army being quickly abridged by the furious Bulgarians in their passage, and he brought prisoner to Constantinople4. Besides these, one Gotescalcus, a priest, a wolf in sheep's clothing, and Emmicho, a tyrant prince near the Rhine, led forth a rout of wicked people, who car- ried the badge of the cross, and served the devil under Christ's livery, killing and pillaging the poor Jews and other people in Germany as they went5. This made Colo- man, king of Hungary, not only deny them passage through his country (and no wonder if he was loath to lodge those guests who were likely to rob their host), but also put most of them to the sword. Some suspected these beginnings to be but the bad breakfast to a worse dinner ; and therefore, abandoning their resolutions, returned home : others, little moved hereat, conceived these first defeats to be but the clarifying of the Christian army from the dregs of base and ruder people.

1 Malmesh. 1. 4, p. 133.

2 Calvisius, p. 893, in anno 1096.

3 ^Emilias, De Gest. Fran. p. 111. 4 Malmesb. 1. 4, p. 135.

4 Urspergens. pp. 227 et 228.

A. D. 1096 THE HOLY WAR. 25

CHAP. XV. — The Pilgrims' Arrival at Constantinople, Enter- tainment, and Departure.

BUT now (to speak in my author's phrase1), the chaff being winnowed with this fan out of God's floor, the good grain began to appear. Godfrey, duke of Bouillon, set forth, and marched through Hungary [Aug. 15] with an army of civil and well-conditioned soldiers; so also did Boemund, Reimund, and Robert the Norman, whose setting forth bear divers dates ; and they embraced several courses through sundry countries; but the first rendezvous where all met was at Constantinople.

Dec. 23.] This was no pleasant prospect to Alexius, the Grecian emperor, to see the sea full of ships, the shore of soldiers. He had gotten the empire by bad practices (by deposing and cloistering Nicephorus, his predecessor), and an ill conscience needeth no enemy but itself; for now he affrighteth himself with the fancy that these pilgrims were so many pioneers come to undermine him. Yea, heseemeth to have entailed his jealousies on all his successors, who never cordially affected this war, but suspected that these western Christians made but a false blow at Jerusalem, and meant to hit Constantinople. But though he had a storm in his heart, yet he made all fair weather in his face ; and finding these his guests so strong that they could command their own welcome, he entertained them rather for fear than love. At last it was covenanted betwixt them2, that what countries or cities soever (Jerusalem alone excepted) once belonging to this Grecian empire should be recovered by these Latins, should all be restored to Alexius; in lieu whereof he was to furnish them with armour, shipping, and all other warlike necessaries. Thus might that emperor 3 have much improved his estate by these adventures; but he (like those who cannot see their own good for too stead- fast looking on it), by his over carefulness and causeless suspicion, deprived himself of this benefit, and implunged himself in much just hatred for his unjust dealing and treachery. Polybius, though a Grecian himself, yet thus painteth out his countrymen amongst the Greeks4 : — " If one should lend a talent, though he should have for it ten

1 Urspergens. p. 233. 5 M. Paris, p. 38.

3 ^Emilius, De Gest. Fran. p. 112.

4 Lib. 6. Vide Erasmum in Adagio. Gracajides.

26 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1096

bonds, ten seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet the borrower will not keep his credit/' It seems Alexius was one of this same faith, who, though so solemnly engaged on his honour to perform this agreement so advantageous to himself, most unprincelike brake his word, and molested these pilgrims afterwards.

Some question the discretion of these princes in this agreement5, to bargain to purchase Alexius's profit with their blood, and conceive that they much undervalued them- selves in swearing homage unto him ; which only Robert, earl of Flanders6 (remembering that he was free born and bred), refused to do. Yet they may herein be partly ex- cused, for they apprehended it of absolute necessity to gain this emperor's favour, on what price soever, because his country was the highway through which they must pass. Besides, their zeal to be at their journey's end made them insensible of any future disadvantages, so be it they might have but present expedition to the place they were bound for. And we may also think that Alexius's liberal gifts had great efficacy in this matter, to win these princes to his own desires.

CHAP. XVI.— The Estate of Asia. Siege and Taking of Nice. Turks overthrown in Battle.

AT our last mentioning of the Turks and their victories, we left them possessed of Jerusalem and the greater part of Syria : but since they have thrived better, and won the lesser Asia from the Grecian emperor. Indeed, those emperors with their own hands lifted up the Turks into their throne, and caused them thus speedily to conquer. For giving themselves over to pleasure, they gave little counte- nance, and less maintenance, to men of service and action; whereby the martial sparks in noble spirits were quenched; and no wonder if virtue did wither where it was not watered with reward. Secondly, out of covetousness the emperors unfurnished their frontiers of garrisons, and laid them open to invasions ; a notorious solecism in policy : for if doors in private houses are to be locked, much more frontiers in kingdoms. Neither did it a little advantage the Turks' proceedings that the Grecian empire fell to Eudoxia, a woman, and her children in minority, too weak pilots to steer so great a state in the tempest of war. And though after other changes it fell to Alexius, one whose personal abilities were not to be excepted against, yet he being to-

4 M. Paris, p. 38. 6 Malmesb. 137.

A. D. 1097 THE HOLY WAR. 27

tally busied at home, to maintain his title against home-bred foes, had no leisure to make any effectual resistance against foreign enemies. Nor did the death of Cutlen-Muses, their king, any whit prejudice the Turkish proceedings ; for Solyman, his son, succeeded him, a prince no less famous for his clemency than his conquests ; as victory, to generous minds, is only an inducement to moderation. In this case, under the tyranny of the Turks stood Asia the Less ; and though there were many Christians in every city, yet these being disarmed, had no other weapons than those of the primitive church, tears and prayers.

But now these western pilgrims, arriving there, besiege the city of Nice with an army as glorious as ever the sun beheld [May 14, 1097]. This city was equally beholden to nature and art for her strength, and was formerly famous for the first general council, called there by Con- stantine against Arius, wherein were assembled three hundred and eighteen bishops. The pilgrims had a Lom- bard for their engineer ; the neighbouring wood afforded them materials, whereof they made many warlike instru- ments, and hoped speedily to conquer the city. But breathed deer are not so quickly caught. The Turks within, being experienced soldiers, defeated their enterprises. And here one might have seen art promising herself the victory, and suddenly meeting with counterart, which mastered her. The lake Ascanius, whereon the city stood, having an out- let into the sea, much advantaged the besieged, whereby they fetched victuals from the country, till at last that pas- sage was locked up by the Grecian fleet. Soon after the city was surrendered [June 20], on composition that the inhabitants' lives and goods should be untouched ; whereat the soldiers, who hitherto hoped for the spoil, now seeing themselves spoiled of their hope, showed no small discon- tentment. Solyman's wife and young children were taken prisoners, and the city (according to the agreement) was delivered to Tatinus, the Grecian admiral, in behalf of Alexius, his master.

From hence the Christians set forward to the vale of Dogorgan, when behold Solyman with all his might fell upon them, and there followed a cruel battle, fought with much courage and variety of success. A cloud of arrows darkened the sky, which was quickly dissolved into a shower of blood. The Christians had many disadvantages, for their enemies were three to one, and valour itself may be pressed to death under the weight of multitude. The season

28 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1097

was unseasonable ; the scorching of the sun much annoying these northern people, whilst the Turks had bodies of proof against the heat. Besides, the Christians' horses, affrighted with the barbarous sounds of the Turkish drums, were alto- gether unserviceable. However, they bravely maintained their fight by the special valour and wisdom of their leaders (amongst whom Boemund, and Hugh, brother to the Ijing of France, deserved high commendations), till at last, find- ing themselves overmatched, they began to guard their heads with their heels, and fairly ran away. When in came Robert the Norman, in the very opportunity of opportunity '. Much he encouraged them with his words, more with his valour, slaying three principal Turks with his own hands. This sight so inspirited the Christians, that coming in on fresh, they obtained a most glorious victory. Two thou- sand on their side were slain, whereof William the brother of Tancred, Godfrey de Mont, and Robert of Paris, were of special note. But far greater was the slaughter of their enemies, especially after that Godfrey of Bouillon, who had been absent all the battle, came in with his army : yet they wanted a hammer to drive the victory home to the head, having no horses to make the pursuit1. Solyman, flying away, burned all as he went ; and, to prop up his credit, gave it out that he had gotten the day, pleasing himself to be a conqueror in report This great battle was fought July 1st, though some make it many days after; yea, so great is the variety of historians in their dates, that every one may seem to have a several clock of time, which they set faster or slower at their own pleasure ; but as long as they agree in the main, we need not be much moved with their petty dissensions.

CHAP. XVII. — The Siege and Taking of Antioch. Corboran overcome in Fight. Of Christ's Spear, and of holy Fraud.

FROM hence, with invincible industry and patience, they bored a passage through valleys, up mountains, over rivers, taking as they went the famous cities Iconium, Heraclea, Tarsus, and conquering all the country of Cili- cia. This good success much puffed them up3 ; God, there- fore, to cure them of the pleurisy of pride, did let them blood with the long and costly siege of Antioch. This city, watered by the river Orontes, and called Reblath of the

1 M. Paris, p. 42, et H. Hunting, lib. 7, p. 374.

2 W. Malmesb. p. 138. 3 Urspergens. p. 233.

A. D. 1098 THE HOLY WAR. 29

Hebrews, was built by Seleucus Nicanor, and enlarged by Antiochus. Compassed it was with a double wall, one of square stone, the other of brick, strengthened with four mndred and sixty towers, and had a castle on the east rather to be admired than assaulted. Here the professors of our faith were first named Christians2", and here St. Peter first sat bishop, whose fair church was a patriarchal seat for many hundred years after. Before this city the pilgrims' army encamped [Oct. 21], and strongly besieged it; but the Turks within manfully defending themselves under Auxianus, their captain, frustrated their hopes of taking it by force. The siege grew long, and victuals short, in the Christians' camp; and now Peter the Hermit3, being brought to the touchstone, discovered what base metal he was of, ran away with some other of good note, and were fetched back again, and bound with a new oath to prosecute the war. At last, one within the city (though authors agree neither of his name nor religion, some making him a Turk, others a Christian ; some calling him Pyrrhus, some Hemir- pherrus, others Emipher) in the dead of the night betrayed the city to Boemund [June 3, 1098]. The Christians issuing in, and exasperated with the length of the siege, so remembered what they had suffered, that they forgot what they had to do, killing promiscuously Christian citizens with Turks4. Thus passions, like heavy bodies down steep hills, once in motion move themselves, and know no ground but the bottom.

Antioch, thus taken, was offered to Alexius the emperor, but he refused it, suspecting some deceit in the tender; as bad men measure other men's minds by the crooked rule of their own. Hereupon it was bestowed on Boemund; though this place, dearly purchased, was not long quietly possessed ; for Corboran, the Turkish general, came with a vast army of Persian forces, and besieged the Christians in the city, so that they were brought into a great strait be- twixt death and death, hunger within and their foes without. Many secretly stole away, whereat the rest were no whit discomfited, counting the loss of cowards to be gain to an army. At last they generally resolved rather to lose their lives by wholesale on the point of the sword, than to retail them out by famine, which is the worst of tyrants, and

2 Acts xi. 26.

3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 357. Et ^Emilius, in Philip the First, p. 123. 4 P. ^mil. p. 127.

30 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1098

murdereth men in state, whilst they die in not dying. It did not a little encourage them, that they found in the church of St. Peter that lance wherewith our Saviour's body was pierced5. They highly prized this military relic of Christ, as if by wounding of him it had got virtue to wound his enemies, and counted it a pawn of certain vic- tory. Whether this spear was truly found, or whether it was but invented to cozen men with, we will not dispute. However, it wrought much with these pilgrims, for conceit oftentimes doeth things above conceit, especially when the imagination apprehendeth something founded in religion. Marching forth in several armies, they manfully fell upon their enemies [June 28], and being armed with despair to escape, they sought to sell their lives at the dearest rate. Valour doth swell when it is crushed betwixt extremities, and then oftentimes goeth beyond herself in her achievements. This day, by God's blessing on their courage, they got a noble conquest. Some saw St. George in the air with an army of white horses righting for them 6 ; but these, no doubt, did look through the spectacles of fancy. And yet, though we should reject this apparition, we need not play the Ori- gens with the story of St. George, and change all the literal sense into an allegory of Christ and his church ; for it is improbable that our English nation, amongst so many saints that were, would choose one that was not, to be their patron, especially seeing the world, in that age, had rather a glut than famine of saints.

And here let me advertise the reader, once for all, not to expect that 1 should set down those many miracles7 where- with authors who write this war so lard their stories, that it will choke the belief of any discreet man to swallow them. As the intent of these writers was pious, to gain credit and converts to the Christian faith, so the prosecuting of -their project must be condemned, in thinking to grace the gospel in reporting such absurd falsities. But let us know that heaven hath a pillory, whereon fraus pia herself shall be punished ; and rather let us leave religion to her native plainness, than hang her ears with counterfeit pearls.

The pride of the Turks being abated in this battle, and

5 Tyrius, lib. 6, cap. 14.

6 TNI. Paris, in Gulielmo secundo, p. 57.

7 Munclus senescens patitur phamasias falsorum miraculo- rum ; propterea suut nunc babenda miracula valde suspecta. — Gerson.

A.D. 1098

THE HOLY WAR.

31

one hundred thousand of them being slain, the Christians grew mightily insolent, and forgot to return to God the honour of the victory; whereupon followed a great mortality, and fifty thousand died in few days. Whether this proceeded from the climate (the bodies of Europe not being friends with the air of Asia, till use by degrees reconcileth them), or whether it was caused by their intemperance : for after long fasting they would not measure their stomachs by the standard of physic, and dieting themselves till nature by degrees could digest the meat; but by surfeiting digged their graves with their own teeth.

And now we are come to the skirts and borders of Pales- tine. Wherefore as heralds use to blazon the field before they meddle with the charge, so let us describe the land before we relate the actions done therein. If in bowling they must needs throw wide which know not the green or alley whereon they play, much more must they miss the truth in story who are unacquainted with that country whereon the discourse proceedeth. Briefly, therefore, of the Holy Land ; as not intending to make a large and wide I description of so short and narrow a country.

S,CHAP. XVIII.— A Pisgah-sight, or short Survey of Pales- tine in general; and how it might maintain one million three hundred thousand Men.

PALESTINE is bounded on the north with Mount Liba- nus; west, with the Midland Sea; south, with the ((wilderness of Paran, parting it from Egypt; and east, with • I the mountains of Gilead and the river of Arnon. To give it tithe most favourable dimensions : from the foot of Libanus , I to Beersheba, north and south, may be allowed two hundred and ten miles; and from Ramoth-gilead to Endor, east and r [west, seventy ; which is the constant breadth of the country. llln which compass, in David's time, were maintained thir- teen hundred thousand men1, besides women, children, and j (impotent persons ; and yet the tribes of Benjamin2 and Levi were not reckoned. True this must needs be, for Truth hath id it ; yet it is wonderful. For though the United Pro- inces in the Low Countries maintain as many people in as little a plot of ground, yet they feed not on home-bred food, but have Poland for their granary, the British ocean for (their fishpond, High Germany for their wine-cellar, and by •the benefit of their harbours unlock the storehouses of all

2 Sam. xxiv. 9.

2 1 Chron. xxi. 6.

32 THE HISTORY OF

other countries. It fared not thus with the Jews, whose own country fed them all. And yet the seeming impos- sibility of so many kept in so small a land will be abated if we consider these particulars : —

1. People in those hot countries had not so hot appetites for the quantity of the meat eaten, nor gluttonous palates for the variety of it.

2. The country rising and falling into hills and vales, gained many acres of ground, whereof no notice is taken in a map, for therein all things presented are conceived to be in piano : and so the land was far roomier than the scale of miles doth make it.

3. They had pasturage to feed their cattle in, in out- countries beyond Palestine. Thus the tribe of Reuben3 grazed their cattle eastward, even to the river Euphrates.

4. Lastly, the soil was transcendently fruitful, as ap- peareth by that great bunch of grapes4 carried by two men. For though many a man hath not been able to bear wine, it is much that one should be laden with one cluster of grapes.

If any object against the fruitfulness of this country, that there were many wildernesses therein, as those of Maon, Ziph, Carrael, Gibeon, Judah, and these must needs cut large thongs out of so narrow a hide : it is answered, that these wildernesses took up no great space, as probably being no bigger than our least forests in England. As for the greater deserts, we must not conceive them to lie wholly waste, but that they were but thinly inhabited ; for we find six cities, with their villages, in the wilderness of Judah5.

Principal commodities of this country were,

1 . Balm, which wholly failed 6 not long after our Saviour's passion ; whether because the type was to cease when the truth was come, or because that land was unworthy to have so sovereign bodily physic grow in her, where the Physician of the soul was put to death.

2. Honey, and that either distilled by bees, those little chymists (and the pasture they fed on was never a whit the barer for their biting), or else rained down from heaven, as that which Jonathan tasted 7, when his sweet meat had like to have had sour sauce, and to have cost him his life.

Besides these, milk, oil, nuts, almouds, dates, figs, olives

3 1 Chron. v. 9, 10. * Num. xiii. 23. 5 Joshua, xv. 61

6 Munster, in Terra sancta, p. 1017, et in y£gypt. p. 1135.

7 1 Sam.xiv. 27.

THE HOLY WAR. 33

so that we may boldly say, no country had better sauce and better meat, having fowl, fish in sea, lakes, and rivers; flesh of sheep, goats, bucks, and kine.

Mines of gold and silver, with pearls and precious stones, Judea rather had not than wanted; either because God would not have his people proud or covetous, or because these are not essential to man's life, or because nature bestovveth these commodities in recompense on barren countries.

Horses they had none, but what they bought out of Egypt for service, using asses for burden, oxen for drawing, and mules for travel. And for many hundred years they used no horses in battle, till David took some from Hada- dezer8. The greatest inconvenience of the land was that it had wild beasts ; and their sheep were not securely folded like ours in England, which stand more in danger of men than wolves.

The chief river of the country was Jordan, over which the Israelites passed on foot; afterwards Elijah made a bridge over it with his cloak, and our Saviour washed the water hereof, by being baptized in it. This ariseth from the springs of Jor and Dan ; whence, running south, he enlargeth himself, first into the waters of Merom, then into the lake of Genesareth or Tiberias ; and hence, recovering his stream, as if sensible of his sad fate, and desirous to defer what he cannot avoid, he fetcheth many turnings and windings, but all will not excuse him from falling into the Dead Sea. Authors are very fruitful on the barrenness of this sea (where Sodom once stood), writing how on the banks thereof grow those hypocrite apples and well com- plexioned dust (the true emblems of the false pleasures of this world) which touched fall to ashes.

CHA.P. XIX. — Galilee described.

PALESTINE contained four provinces : Galilee, on the north; Trachonitis, beyond Jordan, on the east; Judea, on the south; and Samaria, in the middle. Galilee was divided into the upper and lower. The upper (called also Galilee of the Gentiles, because it bordered on them) comprehended the tribes of Asher and Naphtali. . Asher entertaineth us with these observables : — 1. Mis- rephothmajim *, the Nantwich of Palestine, where salt was boiled. 2. Sarepta, where Elijah multiplied the widow!s

8 V Sana, viii. 4, ' Josh. xi. 8.

34 THE HISTORY OF

oil. 3. Tyre, anciently the royal exchange of the world; but of this (as of Sidon and Ptolemais) largely hereafter. 4. Ephek, whose walls falling down gave both the death and gravestones to twenty-seven thousand of Benhadad's soldiers. 5. Cana the Great, whereof was that woman whose daughter Christ dispossessed of a devil. 6. Belus, a rivulet famous for its glassy sand. 7. Mount Libanus, whether so called (as our Albion) from his snowy top, or from frankincense growing thereon.

Naphtali with these: — 1. Abel-beth-maacha. In this borough Sheba, that vermin, earthed himself, till a woman's wisdom threw his head over the walls : and pity it was those walls should have stood, if they had been too high to throw a traitor's head over them. 2. Harosheth, the city of Sisera, who, for all his commanding of nine hundred iron chariots, was slain with one iron nail. 3. Capernaum, where Christ healed the centurion's servant, and not far off fed an army, of guests with five loaves and two fishes ; so that if we con- sider what they ate, we may wonder that they left any thing ; if what they left, that they ate any thing. 4. Kedesh, a city of refuge, whither they were to fly that killed men unawares. As for those who formerly privileged sanctu- aries in England, where the worst traitors and wilfulest murderers were secure from punishment, they rather pro- pounded Romulus than Moses for their president. 5. Rib- lah, where King Zedekiah (more unhappy that he saw so long, than that he was blind so soon) had his eyes put out, after he had beheld the slaughter of his sons. 6. Cesarea- Philippi, the chief city of Decapolis, which was a small territory on both sides of Jordan, so called of ten cities it contained ; though authors wonderfully differ in reckoning up. 7. Christ's mount, so named because it was his pulpit, as the whole law was his text, when he made that famous sermon on the mount. This Sun of Righteousness, which had all Palestine for his zodiac, the twelve tribes for his signs, stayed longest here and in Zebulun ; and, as St. Hie- rome observeth1, as these two tribes were first carried into captivity, so redemption was first preached in these coun- tries.

Lower Galilee consisted of Zebulun and Issachar. Zebu- lun presenteth us with Nain, where our Saviour raised the widow's son, so that she was twice a mother, yet had but one child. 2. Cana the Less, where he showed the virginity

2 In 4 Mat.

THE HOLY WAR. 35

of his miracles at a marriage, turning water into wine. 3. Bethulia, where Judith struck off Holofernes's head, though some since have struck off that story, not only from canonical scripture, but from truth. 4. Bethsaida, up- braided by Christ, famous for her great means, great ingra- titude, great punishment. 5. Nazareth, where our Saviour had his conception and education. 6. Tiberias, so called by Herod the tetrarch, in the honour of Tiberius. 7. Mount Carmel, the Jewish Parnassus, where the prophets were so conversant 8. Tabor, where our Saviour was transfigured, the earnest of his future glory. 9. The river Kishon, God's besom to sweep away Sisera's great army.

In Issachar we find Tarichea, taken with great difficulty by Vespasian. 2. Shunem, where Elisha was so often entertained by an honourable woman. And, as if this land had been thirsty of blood, here in this tribe were fought the battles of Gideon against the Midianites, Jehu against Jehoram, Saul against the Philistines upon Mount Gilboa. David therefore cursed that mountain, that neither dew nor rain should fall on it. But of late, some English travellers climbing this mountain were well wetted, David not cursing it by a prophetical spirit, but in a poetical rapture.

CHAP. XX. — The Description of Samaria.

SAMARIA contained half Manasses on this side Jordan, and the tribe of Ephraim. In the former we met with Bethshean, on the walls whereof the Philistines hanged Saul's body. 2. Tirzah, where Zimri (whose only goodness was, that he reigned but seven days) burned himself and the king's palace. 3. Thebez, where Abimelech, prodigal of his life, but niggardly of his reputation, not so pained with his death, as angry with his killer (because a woman), would needs be killed again by his armour-bearer. 4. Me- giddo, where Josiah, that bright sun, set in a cloud, engaging himself in a needless quarrel, wherein he was slain. 5. Cesarea-Stratonis, where Herod was eaten up with worms. 6. Jezreel, a royal city of the kings of Israel, nigh which lay the vineyard, or rather blood-yard, of Naboth.

Ephraim was adorned with Samaria, the chief city of Israel, which at this day showeth more ruins than Jerusa- lem. 2. Shiloh, where the ark was long leiger; and where Eli, heart-broken with bad news, brake his neck with a fall. 3. Sichem, where Dinah bought the satisfying of her curiosity with the loss of her chastity. And, as if the ground here were stained with perfidiousness, here Simeon

26 THE HISTOE Y OF

and Levi killed the Sichemites, Joseph was sold by hii brethren, Abimelech usurped the government, the ten tribe; revolted from Rehoboam. 4. Mount Ephraim, a ridge o hills crossing this country. 5. Gerizzim and Ebal, tw< mountains : the blessings were pronounced on the one, ane the curses on the other.

CHAP. XXI. — Judea surveyed.

JUDEA comprised the tribes of Benjamin, Dan, Simeon and Judah. Benjamin flourished with Gilgal, when Joshua circumcised the Israelites. They hitherto had beei fellow-commoners with the angels, feeding on manna, whicl here ceased ; God withdrawing miracles where he afford e< means. 2. Gibeon, whose inhabitants cozened Joshua wit] a pass of false-dated antiquity : who would have though that clouted shoes could have covered so much subtilty Here Joshua sent his mandate to the sun to stand still, am to wait on him whilst he conquered his enemies. 3. Not where Doeg, more cruel than the king's cattle he kepi slew eighty-five priests, as innocent as their ephods wer white. 4. Jericho, whose walls were battered down wit the sound of rams' horns. 5. Bethel, where God appearei to Jacob. 6. Ai, where the Israelites were slain for th sacrilege of Achan.

Dan had these memorables : — 1. Joppa, a safe harboui where Jonah fled from God's service. 2. Ashdod, c Azotus, where Dagon did twice homage to the ark, nc only falling bare, but putting off his head and hands, i Gath, a seminary of giants, where Goliath was born. < Ekron, where Beelzebub, the God of flies, had a nest c temple. 5. Timnath, where Judah committed incest wit Tamar, but betrayed himself by his own tokens, and be: himself with his own staff. Hence Samson fetched his wif whose epithalamium proved the dirge to so many Philistine 6. Modin, where the Maccabees were buried. 7. Sore the chief, if not only rivulet of this tribe.

Entering on the south coasts of Simeon, we light Askelon, where Herod was born. 2. Gaza, chief of tl five satrapies of the Philistines, the gates whereof Sams< carried away ; and hither being sent for to make sport in tl house of Dagon, acted such a tragedy that plucked dov the stage, slew himself and all the spectators. 3. Mo inland, Ziklag, assigned by Achish to David. 4. Bf( sheba and Gerar, where Abraham and Isaac lived me constantly, near unto the brook of Besor.

THE HOLY WAR. 37

The tribe of Judah was the greatest of all, so that Simeon and Dan did feed on the reversion thereof, and received those cities which originally belonged to this royal tribe. Memorable herein were, 1. Hebron, the land whereof was given to Caleb, because he and Joshua consented not to the false verdict which the jury of spies brought in against the Jand of Canaan. 2. Nigh, in the cave of Machpelah, the patriarchs were buried ; whose bodies took livery and seizin in behalf of their posterity, which were to possess the whole land. 3. Kirjath-sepher or Debir, an ancient univer- sity of the Canaanites : for though. Parnassus was only in Greece, yet the Muses were not confined to that country. 4. Tekoa, where -Amos was born, fetched from the herds- men to feed God's sheep; and to dress his vine, from gathering wild figs. 5. Zoar, Lot's refuge, near to which his wife, for one farewell glance at Sodom, was turned into a pillar of salt, to season us to measure a sin by the infinite- ness of God who forbiddeth it. Adjoining is Lot's cave, where he, affecting solitariness, had too much company of his own daughters. 6. Carmel, where Nabal lived, as rich as foolish ; but those grains of wisdom which were wanting in him were found overweight in his wife. Here Uzziah pastured his cattle, a king, yet delighted in husbandry ; as thrift is the fuel of magnificence. 7. Bethlehem, where our Saviour was born. 8. Jerusalem, whereof afterwards.

CHAP. XXII.— Of Trachonitis.

WE want one adequate word of a country to express the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasses beyond Jordan. Trachonitis cometh the nearest, so called because it riseth up in sharp hills, which are known to Ptolemy by the name of Hippus ; to Strabo, of Trachones ; but in Scripture, of Mount Hermon, or Gilead.

Reuben, though disinherited of the birthright, had this honour of an elder brother, that he was first provided for. ;His chief places, Heshbon and Medeba, and Macherus, the strongest inland city in that part of the world. Mount Abarim, a chain of hills, the highest whereof was Nebo ; the top cliff of Nebo, Pisgah, whence Moses viewed the land : hereabouts the angel buried him, and also buried his grave, lest it should occasion idolatry. The river Arnon parteth this tribe from Moab.

In Gad, we find Peniel, where Jacob wrestled with God, lost a sinew, but got a blessing : Jabesh-gilead, where Saul was buried : Ramoth-gilead, where Ahab was slain : Roge-

38 THE HISTORY OF

lim, the manor of Barzillai, superannuated to be a courtier : Mahanaim, where the angels appeared to Jacob : the forest of Ephraim, where that execution was done by Jephthah on the Ephraimites, for not pronouncing that heavy aspira- tion in Shibboleth : the river Jabbok.

In Manasses, Edrei, the city of Og, on whose giant-like proportion the rabbins have more giant-like lies : Gadara, whose inhabitants loved their swine better than their Saviour. They that desire to be further informed of Canaan, let them spare pains to strike fire, and light their candle at Sir Walter Raleigh's torch.

CHAP. XXIII.— The Description of the City of Jerusalem; the Observables within and about her.

TERUSALEM, by the often change of her fortunes, hath «J somewhat altered her situation, having hitched herself, more north-westward. For the mountain of Calvary, which formerly she shut out of her gates, as the infamous place of execution, she now embraceth within her walls as her most venerable monument.

On the south of Jerusalem (once part of her, now ex- cluded) lieth Mount Sion, famous anciently for the palace of David : on the east, Mount Olivet, parted with the vale of Jehoshaphat; which (some will have) shall be the hall for the great assizes of the world at the day of judgment, whilst others more modestly conceive that the place as well as the time is concealed. On the west, the hill of Gihon : and on the north, it is indifferent plain.

The monuments which are still extant, to be seen without or within the city, are reducible to one of these three ranks: — 1. Certainly true; as the mountains compassing it, which are standards too great and too heavy for either time or war to remove ; and such also are some eminent particu- lars of some places, which constant tradition, without rup- ture, hath entailed on posterity. 2. Of a mixed nature; where the text is true, but superstition and fancy have commented on it. 3. Stark lies, without a rag of proba- bility to hide their shame ; where the believer is as foolish as the inventor impudent. We will bundle them together, and let the reader sort them at his discretion : for it is as hard to fit the throats as to please the palates of men ; and that will choke one man's belief which another will swallow as easily credible. Neither let any censure this discourse as a parenthesis to this history, seeing that to see these

THE HOLY WAR. 39

relics was one principal motive with many to undertake this pilgrimage.

To begin without the city, on the south, there remain the ruins of David's palace, too near to which was Uriah's house ; and the fountain * is still showed where Bathsheba's washing of her body occasioned the fouling of her soul. Next, David's tomb is to be seen, wherein he was buried : his monument was enriched with a mass of treasure, saith Josephus; out of which Hircanus, eight hundred and fifty years after, took three thousand talents. But surely David, who despised riches in his life, was not covetous after his death : and I am sure they are his own words, that Man shall carry nothing away with him, neither shall his great pomp follow him 2>. Thirdly, Aceldama, that burying-place for strangers ; and the grave, that every where hath a good stomach, hath here a boulimia, or greedy worm, for it will devour the flesh of a corpse in forty-eight hours. Fourthly, Absalom's pillar, which he built to continue his memory, though he might have saved that cost, having eternized his infamy by his unnatural rebellion. Fifthly, the houses of Annas and Caiaphas, to pass by others of inferior note.

On the east, first, Mount Olivet, from whence our Saviour took his rise into heaven. The chapel of Ascension, of an eight-square round, mounted on three degrees, still chal- lengeth great reverence ; and there the footsteps of our Saviour are still to be seen, which cannot be covered over. Secondly, the fig-tree which Christ cursed ; for he who spake many, here wrought a parable; this whole tree being but the bark, and Christ under it cursing the fruitless profession of the Jews. Thirdly, the place where St. Stephen was stoned ; and the stones thereabouts are overgrown with a red rust, which is (forsooth) the very blood of that holy martyr. Fourthly, the place where Judas surprised our Saviour, and he fell down on a stone, in which the print of his elbows and feet are still to be seen. Fifthly, the sepulchre of the blessed Virgin ; whose body, after it had been three days buried, was carried up by the angels into heaven ; and she let fall her girdle to St. Thomas3, that his weak faith might be swaddled therewith; otherwise he who in the point of Christ's resurrection would have no creed, except he made his own articles, and put his finger into his side, would no doubt hardly have believed the Virgin's assump-

1 Morison's Trav. part 1, p. 226. a Psalm xlix. 17.

3 Sandys, p. 190.

40 THE HISTOR Y OF

tion. With this legend we may couple another, which, though distant in place, will be believed both together: they show at Bethlehem4" a little hole over the place where our Saviour was born, through which the star which con- ducted the wise men fell down to the ground. But who will not conclude but there was a vertigo in his head, who first made a star subject to the falling sickness ? Sixthly, the vale of Hinnom or Tophet, in which wise Solomon, befooled by his wives, built a temple to Moloch. Seventhly, Cedron, a brook so often mentioned in Scripture.

The west and north sides of Jerusalem were not so happily planted with sacred monuments; and we find none thereon which grew to any eminency.

We will now lead the reader into Jerusalem ; where, first, on Mount Moriah (the place where Isaac was offered, though not sacrificed), stood Solomon's temple, destroyed by the Chaldeans, rebuilt by Zorobabel ; afterward Herod, reedified it so stately (saith Josephus) that it exceeded Solomon's temple ; if his words exceed not the truth. But no wonder if he that never saw the sun, dare say that the moon is the most glorious light in the heavens. Secondly, Solomon's palace, which was thirteen years in building5, whereas the temple was finished in seven6: not that he bestowed more cost and pains (because more time) on his own than on God's house ; but rather he plied God's work more thoroughly, and entertained then more builders; so that, contrary to the proverb, church work went on the most speedily. Thirdly, the house of the forest of Lebanon, which was (as appeareth by cprnparing the text) forty cubits longer, and thirty cubits broader than the temple itself. But no doubt the Holy Spirit, speaking of holy buildings, meaneth the great cubit of the sanctuary; but in other houses, the ordinary or common cubit. It was called the house of Lebanon, because hard by it Solomon planted a grove7, the abridgment of the great forest; so that the pleasures of spacious Lebanon were here written in a less character. Fourthly, Pilate's palace, and the common hall, where the Judge of the world was condemned to death. Fifthly, the pool of Bethesda, the waters whereof, troubled by the angel, were a punpharmacon to him that

4 Bidulph's Trav. p. 130, and Morison's, part 1, p. 227.

5 1 Kings, vii. 1.

6 1 Kings, vi. 38. Vide Tremel. in locum. " Adricom. ex Hieron. p. 153.

THE HOLY WAR. 41

first got into them. Here was a spital built with five porches, the mercy of God being seconded by the charity of man ; God gave the cure, men built the harbour for impo- tent persons. Sixthly, the house of Dives, the rich glutton : and therefore (saith Adricomius8) it was no parable: but may we not retort his words ? It was a parable, and there- fore this is none of Dives's house. Sure I am, Theophy- lact is against the literal sense thereof, and saith, they think foolishly that think otherwise9.

But my discourse hasteth to Mount Calvary, which at this day hath almost engrossed all reverence to itself. It is called Calvary, Golgotha, or the place of a scull, either because the hill is rolled and rounded up in the fashion of a man's head10 (as Pen11 in the British tongue signifieth both a head and a copped hill), or because here the bodies of such as were executed were cast. As for that conceit, that Adam's scull should here be found, it is confuted by St. Hierome, who will have him buried at Hebron. Neither is it likely, if the Jews had a tradition that the father of man- kind had here been interred, that they would have made his sepulchre their Tyburn, where malefactors were put to death, and the charnel-house where their bones were scat- tered. Over our Saviour's grave stood a stately church, built, say some, by Helen, say others, by Constantine; but we will not set mother and son at variance; it might be she built it at his cost. In this church are many monuments, as the pillar whereunto Christ was bound when scourged, wherein red spots of dusky-veined marble usurped the honour to be counted Christ's blood". Secondly, a great cleft in the rock, which was rent in sunder at the passion, whereby the bad thief was divided from Christ (the sign of his spiritual separation), and they say it reacheth to the centre of the earth : a thing hard to confute. Thirdly, cer- tain pillars, which, being in a. dark place under ground, are said miraculously to weep for our Saviour's sufferings. But I refer those who desire the criticisms of those places, without going thither, to read our English travellers ; for in this case, as good wares and far cheaper pennyworths are bought at the second hand.

To conclude our description of Palestine, let none con-

8 Theatr. Terr. Sanct. 153.

9 ai/OTjrwe, Comment, in 16 Luc. 10 Illyricus, in 27 Matth.

11 Camden's Brit, in Buckinghamshire.

12 Bridenb. De Domin. Sepulchro.

42 THE HISTORY OF

ceive that God forgot the Levites in division of the land because they had no entire country allotted unto them Their portion was as large as any, though paid in severa sums ; they had forty-eight cities, with their suburbs, tithes first-fruits, free-offerings; being better provided for thar many English ministers, who may preach of hospitality tc their people, but cannot go to the cost to practise their owr doctrine.

A TABLE SHOWING THE VARIETY OF PLACES* NAMES IN PALESTINE.

In the Old Testa-	At Christ's	In St. Hie-	At this
ment,	time.	rome's time.	day.
1. Azzah.	Gaza.	Constantia.	Gazra'3.
2. Japho.	Joppa.		Jaffa1*.
3. Ramah.	Arimathea.		Ramma15.
4. Shechem.	Sychar.	Neapolis.	Pelosa16.
5. 6. Capharsala-	Lydda.	Diospolis.
ma.	Antipatris.		Assur17.
7. Zarephath.	Sarepta.		Saphet18.
8.	Emmaus.	Nicopolis.
9. Bethsan.		Scythopolis.
10. Tzor.	Tyrus.		Sur'9.
/Laish.

11 /Dan J Cesarea-Philip-

1 1 ,\ .LJalJ • \ • -r\ ~r* i- *»/>

) I pi. Paneas. Belma20. (Leshem.

12. Jerusalem. Hierosolyma. ^.lia. Cuds".

13. Samaria. Samaria. Sebaste.

14. Cinnereth". Tiberias. Saffet*3.

15. Accho. Ptolemais. Acre.

16. Gath. Dio-Cesarea. Ybilin2-*.

17. Dammesek. Damascus. Sham2'5.

18. Arnon. Areopolis. Petra16.

19. Rabbah. Philadelphia.

20. Waters of Semochonite

Merom. lake. Houle2-7.

13 Sandys, p. 149. u Adricom. p. 23. 15 Morison, p. 216.

16 Raleigh, p. 311. 17 Adricom. p. 70. 1S Raleigh, p. 283.

19 Sandys, p. 216. 20 Raleigh, p. 291. 21 Sandys, p. 155.

22 Adricom. p. 143. 23 Sandys, p. 212. ^ Adricom. p. 22.

25 Bidulph, p. 94. 26 Adricom. p. 32. 27 Sandys, p. 212.

A. D. 1099. THE HOLY WAR. 43

CHAP. XXIV. — The Siege and Taking of Jerusalem.

BY this time cold weather (the best besom to sweep the chambers of the air) had well cleared the Christians' camp from infection : and now their devotion moved the swifter, being come near to the centre thereof, the city of Jerusalem. Forward they set, and take the city of Marrha [Dec. 11, 1098], and employ themselves in securing the country about them, that so they might clear the way as they went [1099]. Neither did the discords betwixt Rei- mund and Boemund much delay their proceedings, being in some measure seasonably compounded ; as was also the sea battle betwixt the Pisans and Venetians. For the Vene- tians seeing on the Pisans the cognizance of the cross1, the uncounterfeited passport that they wear for the holy war, suffered them safely to go on, though otherwise they were their deadly enemies ; yea, and set five thousand of them at liberty, whom they had taken captive.

The pilgrims kept their Easter at Tripolie [April 10], Whitsuntide by Cesarea-Statonis [May 29], taking many places in their passage ; and at last came to Jerusalem. Discovering the city afar off, it was a pretty sight to behold the harmony in the difference of expressing their joy; how they clothed the same passion with diverse gestures ; some prostrate, some kneeling, some weeping; all had much ado to manage so great a gladness. Then began they the siege of the city on the north [June 6] (being scarce assault- able on any other side, by reason of steep and broken rocks), and continued it with great valour. On the fourth day after [June 10], they had taken it but for want of scaling-ladders. But a far greater want was the defect of water, the springs being either stopped up or poisoned by the Turks ; so that they fetched water five miles off2'. As for the brook Cedron, it was dried up, as having no sub- sistence of itself, but merely depending on the benevo- lence of winter waters, which Mount Olivet bestoweth upon it. Admiral Coligni was wont to say, He that will well paint the beast war, must first begin to shape the belly ; meaning that a good general must first provide victuals for an army : yea, let him remember the bladder in the beast's belly, as well as the guts, and take order for moisture more especially than for meat itself; thirst, in northern bodies, being more insupportable than famine : quickly will their

1 Sabellicus, Enn. 9, lib. 3, p. 3o7. 2 ^milius, p. 135.

44 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099!

courage be cooled, who have no moisture to cool their hearts. As for the Christians' want of ladders, that was quickly supplied ; for the Genoans arriving with a fleet in Palestine, brought most curious engineers, who framed a wooden tower, and all other artificial instruments. For we must not think that the world was at a loss for war tools before the brood of guns was hatched : it had the battering- ram3, first found out by Epeus, at the taking of Troy; the balista, to discharge great stones, invented by the Pheni- cians ; the catapulta, being a sling of mighty strength, whereof the Syrians were authors; and perchance King Uzziah first made it4 ; for we find him very dexterous and happy in devising such things. And although these bear- whelps were but rude and unshaped at the first, yet art did lick them afterwards, and they got more teeth and sharper- nails by degrees ; so that every age set them forth in a new edition, corrected and amended. But these and many more voluminous engines (for the ram alone had a hundred men to manage it) are now virtually epitomized in the cannon. And though some may say, that the finding of guns hath been the losing of many men's lives, yet it will appear that battles now are fought with more expedition, and victory standeth not so long a neuter, before she express herself on one side or other.

But these guns have shot my discourse from the siege of Jerusalem. To return thither again. By this time, in the space of a month5 [July 11 J, the Genoans had finished their engines which they built seven miles off6 ; for nearer there grew no stick of bigness. I will not say, that since our Saviour was hanged on a tree, the land about that city hath been cursed with a barrenness of wood. And now, for a preparative, that their courage might work the better, they began with a fast and a solemn procession about Mount Olivet [July 12].

Next day they gave a fierce assault [July 1 3] ; yea, women played the men7, and fought most valiantly in armour. But they within being forty thousand strong, well victualled and appointed, made stout resistance, till the night (accounted but a foe for her friendship) umpired betwixt them, and abruptly put an end to their fight in the midst of their courage.

3 Plin. ]Vat. Hist. lib. 7, cap. 56. 4 2 Cbron. xxvi. 15.

5 M. Paris, p. 63.

6 P. .tmilius, p. 135 ; and Tyrius, lib. 8, cap. 6.

7 Tyrius, lib. 8, cap. 13.

..D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 45

When the first light brought news of a morning, they on fresh; the rather, because they had intercepted a letter8 bed to the legs of a dove (it being the fashion of that ountry both to write and send their letters with the win^s f a fowl 9), wherein the Persian emperor promised present uccours to the besieged. The Turks cased the outside of

heir walls with bags of chaff, straw, and such like pliable

matter, which conquered the engines of the Christians by ielding unto them. As for one sturdy engine whose force -ould not be tamed, they brought two old witches on the

walls to enchant it10; but the spirit thereof was too strong or their spells, so that both of them were miserably slain n the place. The day following [July 15], Duke Godfrey11 fired

much combustible matter, the smoke whereof (the light ause of a heavy effect), driven with the wind, blinded the 'urks' eyes ; and under the protection thereof the Christians ntered the city, Godfrey himself first footing the walls, and hen his brother Eustace. The Turks retired to Solomon's emple (so called because built in the same place), there to ake the farewell of their lives. In a desperate conflict there, he foremost of the Christians were miserably slain, thrust upon he weapons of their enemies by their fellows that followed hem. The pavement so swam, that none could go but

either through a rivulet of blood, or over a bridge of dead >odies. Valour was not wanting in the Turks, but super- atively abundant in the Christians, till night made them eave off. Next morning mercy was proclaimed to all those hat would lay down their weapons ; for though blood be he best sauce for victory, yet must it not be more than the

meat. Thus was Jerusalem won by the Christians, and wenty thousand Turks therein slain12, on the 15th of July,

being Friday, about three of the clock in the afternoon. Tyrius * 3 fmdeth a great mystery in the time, because Adam

was created on a Friday, and on the same day and hour our

Saviour suffered. But these synchronisms, as when they

are natural they are pretty and pleasing, so when violently

wrested, nothing more poor and ridiculous.

Then many Christians [July 18], who all this while had ived in Jerusalem in most lamentable slavery, being glad

8 P. ^Emilius, p. 136.

p The manner set down at large, Bidulph's Trav. p. 43. lu Tyrins, lib. 8, cap. 15. n Idem, lib. 8, cap. 18.

la AI. Paris, p. 65. 13 Lib. 8, c. 18.

46 THE HOLY WAR.

to lurk in secret (as truth oftentimes seeketh corners, as fearing her judge, though never as suspecting her cause) came forth joyfully, welcomed and embraced these the pro- curers of their liberty.

Three days after it was concluded, as a necessary piece of severity for their defence14, to put all the Turks in Jeru- salem to death ; which was accordingly performed without favour to age or sex. The pretence was for fear of treason in them, if the emperor of Persia should besiege the city. And some slew them with the same zeal wherewith Saul slew the Gibeonites, and thought it unfit that these goats should live in the sheep's pasture. But noble Tancred was highly displeased hereat, because done in cold blood, it being no slip of an extemporary passion, but a studied and premeditated act; and that against pardon proclaimed, many of them having compounded and paid for their lives and liberty. Besides, the execution was merciless, upon sucking children, whose not speaking spake for them ; and on women, whose weakness is a shield to defend them against a valiant man. To conclude : severity hot in the fourth degree, is little better than poison, and becometh cruelty itself; and this act seemeth to be of the same nature.

14 Besoldus, De Regibus Hierosol. ex variis auctoribus, p. 119.

BOOK II.

'HAP. I. — Robert the Norman refuseth the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Godfrey of Bouillon chosen King. His Parentage, Education, and Virtues.

EIGHT days after Jerusalem was won, they proceeded to the election of a king [July 23, 1099]; but they lad so much choice that they had no choice at all ; so many princes there were, and so equally eminent, that ustice herself must suspend her verdict, not knowing /hich of them best deserved the crown. Yet it was their Measure to pitch on Robert the Norman as on the man of n'ghest descent, being son to a king; for great Hugh of France was already returned home, pretending the colic ; hough some impute it to cowardliness, and make the dis- ase not in his bowels, but his heart. Robert refused this honourable proffer1 ; whether because had an eye to the kingdom of England now void by the death of William Rufus, or because he accounted Jeru- salem would be incumbered with continual war. But he who would not take the crown with the cross, was fain to ake the cross without the crown, and never thrived after- wards in any thing he undertook *. Thus they who refuse irhat God fairly carveth for them, do never after cut well or themselves. He lived to see much misery, and felt more, having his eyes put out by King Henry's brother ; and at last found rest (when buried) in the new cathedral church of Gloucester, under a wooden monument3, bearing setter proportion to his low fortunes than high birth. And since, in the same choir, he hath got the company of another prince as unfortunate as himself, King Edward the Second. They go on to a second choice ; and that they may know the natures of the princes the better, their servants were examined on oath to confess their masters' faults. The servants of Godfrey of Bouillon protested their master's only fault was this4, that when matins were done he would stay so long in the church, to know of the priest the mean-

1 P. ^mylius, p. 137. 2 Henry Hunting, lib. 7, p. 377.

3 Camden, Brit. p. 255. 4 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12.

48 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099

ing of every image and picture, that dinner at home was spoiled by his long tarrying. All admired hereat, that this man's worst vice should be so great a virtue, and unani- mously chose him their king. He accepted the place, but refused the solemnity thereof, and would not wear a crown of gold there, where the Saviour of mankind had worn a crown of thorns.

He was son to Eustace, duke of Bouillon, and Ida his wife, daughter and heir to Godfrey, duke of Lorraine ; born, saith Tyrius5, at Boulogne, a town in Champagne, on the English sea, which he mistaketh for Bouillon, up higher in the continent, near the country of Luxembourg. Such slips are incident to the pens of the best authors ; yea, we may see Canterbury mistaken for Cambridge, not only in Mun- ster6, but even in all our own printed statute-books in the twelfth of Richard the Second7. He was brought up in that school of valour, the court of Henry the Fourth the emperor. Whilst he lived there, there happened an intri- cate suit betwixt him and another prince about title of land j and because judges could not untie the knot, it was con- cluded the two princes should cut it asunder with theii sword in a combat. Godfrey was very unwilling to fight8, not that he was the worse soldier, but the better Christian ; he made the demur not in his courage, but in his conscience ; as conceiving any private title for land not ground enough for a duel: yea, we may observe generally, that they who long most to fight duels are the first that surfeit of them. Notwithstanding, he yielded to the tyranny of custom, and after the fashion of the country entered the lists ; when, at the first encounter, his sword brake, but he struck his adversary down with the hilt, yet so that he saved his life, and gained his own inheritance. Another parallel act ol his valour was when being standard-bearer to the emperor, he with the imperial ensign killed Rodulphus, the duke oi Saxony, in single fight, and fed the eagle on the bowels ol that arch-rebel. His soul was enriched with many virtues, but the most orient of all was his humility, which took all men's affections without resistance ; and though one saith. take away ambition, and you take away the spurs of a sol- dier ; yet Godfrey, without those spurs, rode on most tri- umphantly.

5 Lib. 9, cap, 5. 6 Lib. 2, Cosmog. p. 50.

7 As Caius proveth it plainly out of \\alsingham.

8 Quantum potuit renitebalur, Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 7.

A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 49

!HAP. II. — The establishing of ecclesiastical Affairs, and Patriarchs in Antioch and Jerusalem. The Numerosity of Palestine Bishops.

BUT now let us leave the helmets, and look on the mitres, and consider the ordering of ecclesiastical affairs. For the commonwealth is a ring, the church the diamond ; both well set together, receive, and return lustre each on other. As soon as Antioch was taken, one Bernard

reverend prelate) was made patriarch there with general consent. But more stir was there about that place in Jeru- salem ; for first Arnulphus, a worthless and vicious man, was by popular faction lifted up into the patriarch's chair1; 3ut with much ado was avoided, and Dabert, archbishop of Pisa, substituted in his room : one very wise and politic, an excellent bookman in reading of men, and otherwise well studied, especially as that age went, wherein a medi- ocrity was an eminency in learning. But he was infected with the humour of the clergy of that age, who counted themselves to want room except they justled with princes. As for Arnulphus, he never ceased to trouble and molest this Dabert ; and as a firebrand smoketh most when out of the chimney, so he after his displacing was most turbulent and unquiet, ever sitting on his skirts that sat in the patri- arch's chair, till after mafcy changes he struggled himself again into the place.

Under these patriarchs many archbishops and bishops were appointed, in the very places (as near as might be) where they were before the Saracens overrunning the coun- try, and good maintenance assigned to most of them.

But at this time bishops were set too thick for all to grow great, and Palestine fed too many cathedral churches to have them generally fat. Lydda% Jamnia, and Joppa, three episcopal towns, were within four miles one of another. Yea, Tyrius3 makes fourteen bishops under the archbishop of Tyre, twenty under the archbishop of Caesarea, under the archbishop of Scythopolis nine, twelve under the arch- bishop of Kabbah, besides twenty-five suffragan churches, which it seems were immediately depending on the patri- arch of Jerusalem, without subordination to any archbishop. Surely many of these bishops (to use Bishop Langham's

1 Fatuo populo suffragia incousulta ministrante. Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 4.

8 VideTabulas Adricomii. 3 Lib. 14, cap. 12.

E

50 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099

expression4-) had high racks, but poor mangers. Neither let it stagger the reader if in that catalogue of Tyrius he light on many bishops' seats which are not to be found in Mercator, Ortelius, or any other geographer, for some of them were such poor places that they were ashamed to appear in a map, and fall so much under a geographer's notice that they fall not under it. For in that age bishops had their sees at poor and contemptible villages (as here in England, before the Conquest, who would suspect Sunning in Berkshire, or Dorchester, near Oxford, to have had cathedral churches?) till in the days of William the First bishops removed their seats to the principal towns in the shire5.

CHAP. III. — The Saracens conquered at Askelon.

MAHOMET'S tomb hung not so strong but now it began to shake, and was likely to fall. These vic- tories of the Christians gave a deadly wound to that religion. Wherefore the Saracens combined themselves with the Turks to assist them, there being betwixt these two nations, I will not say an unity, but a conspiracy in the same super- stition, so that therein they were like a nest of hornets, stir one and anger all. Wherefore coming out of Egypt under Ammiravissus, their general, at Askelon they gave the Christians battle [Aug. 12]. But God sent such a qualm of cowardliness over the hearts of these infidels, that a hundred thousand of them were quickly slain, so that it was rather an execution than a fight ; and their rich tents, which seemed to be the exchequer of the east country, spoiled 6 ; so that the pilgrims knew not how to value the wealth they found in them.

This victory obtained, such pilgrims as were disposed to return addressed themselves for their country ; and these merchants for honour went home, having made a gainful adventure. Those that remained were advanced to signories in the land, as Tancred was made governor of Galilee. Nor will it be amiss to insert this story : Peter, bishop of Anagnia, in Italy, was purposed here to lead his life with- out taking care for his charge, when behold St. Magnus7, patron of that church, appeared to him in a vision, pre- tending himself to be a young man who had left his wife at

4 In the Archbishops of Cant. p. 143.

5 Fox, Marfyrolog. p. 173. 6 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12. 7 Baronius out of Brunus in anno 1099.

A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 51

home, and was come to live in Jerusalem. " Fie," said Peter to him, " go home again to your wife ; whom God hath joined together, let no man put asunder." " Why, then," replied St. Magnus, " have you left your church a widow in Italy, and live here so far from her company ?" This vision, though calculated for this one bishop, did generally serve for all the nonresidents which posted hither, and who paid not the lawful debt to their con- science, whilst by needless bonds they engaged themselves to their own will-worship. For though souls of men be light, because immaterial, yet they may prove a heavy burden to these careless pastors who were to answer for them.

After the return of these pilgrims, the heat of the Chris- tians' victories in Syria was somewhat allayed : for Boe- mund 8 prince of Antioch, marching into Mesopotamia, was taken prisoner, and Godfrey besieging the city of Antipatris, then called Assur, though hitherto he had been always a conqueror, was fain to depart with disgrace. So small a remora may stay that ship which saileth with the fairest gale of success.

CHAP. IV. — The Original and Increase of the Hospitallers;

their degenerating through Wealth into Luxury. \ BOUT this time, under Gerard their first master, began JTjL the order of Knights-hospitallers ' . Indeed more anci- ently there were hospitallers in Jerusalem ; but these were no knights : they had a kind of order, but no honour annexed to it ; but were pure alms-men, whose house was founded, and they maintained, by the charity of the merchants of Amalphia, a city in Italy.

But now they had more stately buildings assigned unto them, their house dedicated to St. John of Jerusalem ; Knights-hospitallers and those of St. John of Jerusalem being both the same ; although learned Dr. Ridley * maketh them two distinct orders, for which our great antiquary3 doth justly reprove him. But such an error is venial ; and it is a greater fault rigidly to censure, than to commit a small oversight. The one showeth himself man, in mistaking; the other no man, in not pardoning a light mistake.

8 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 20. Idem, lib. 9, cap. 19.

1 Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165.

2 In his View of Civil Law, p. 159.

3 Mr. Selden, in his preface of Tithes, p. 6.

52 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1099

To make one capable of the highest order of this knight- hood (for their servitors and priests might be of an inferior rank4) the party must thus be qualified: eighteen years old at the least; of an able body ; not descended of Jewish or Turkish parents; no bastard, except bastard to a prince, there being honour in that dishonour, as there is light in the very spots of the moon. Descended he must be of worshipful parentage. They wore a red belt with a white cross ; and on a black cloak the white cross of Jerusalem, which is a cross crossed, or five crosses together, in memory of our Saviour's five wounds. Yet was there some difference betwixt their habit in peace and in war. Their profession was to fight against infidels, and to secure pilgrims coming to the sepulchre ; and they vowed poverty, chastity, and obedience. Reimundus de Podio, their second master, made some additional to their profession, as, They must receive the sacrament thrice a year, hear mass once a day if pos- sible ; they were to be no merchants, no usurers, to fight no private duels, to stand neuters, and to take no side, if the princes in Christendom should fall out5.

But it is given to most religious orders, to be clear in the spring, and miry in the stream. These Hospitallers after- wards getting wealth, unlaced themselves from the strictness of their first institution, and grew loose into all licentious- ness. What was their obedience to their master, but rebellion against the patriarch their first patron? as shall be showed hereafter. What was their poverty but a cozenage of the world, whilst their order sued in forma pauperis, and yet had nineteen thousand manors in Christen- dom belonging unto them6? Neither will it be scandaluw magnatum to their lordships, to say what St. Bernard7 speaketh of their chastity, how they lived inter scorta et epulas, betwixt bawds and banquets. And no wonder if their forced virginity was the mother of much uncleanness ; for commonly those who vow not to go the highway of God's ordinance, do haunt base and unwarrantable by-paths.

I will not forestall the history, to show how these Hospi- tallers were afterwards knights of Rhodes, and at this day of Malta, but will conclude with the ceremonies used at their creation, because much material stuff no doubt may be picked out of their formalities.

4 Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165.

5 Hospinian. ut prius. 6 Camd. Brit. p. 311. 7 Cited by Volaterian.

A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 53

There is delivered them, 1. a sword8, in token that they must be valiant ; 2. with a cross hilt, their valour must defend religion; 3. with this sword they are struck three times over the shoulders, to teach them patiently to suffer for Christ; 4. they must wipe the sword, their life must be undented ; 5. gilt spurs are put on them, because they are to scorn wealth at their heels; 6. and then they take a taper in their hands, for they are to lighten others by their exemplary lives ; 7. and so go to hear mass, where we leave them.

At the same time knights of the sepulchre were also ordained, which for their original and profession are like to these Knights-hospitallers9. The order continueth to this day. The padre guardian of Jerusalem maketh them of such as have seen the sepulchre ; they should be gentle- men by birth, but the padre carrieth a chancery in his bosom, to mitigate the rigour of this common law, and will admit of him that bringeth fat enough, though no blood ; as of late he made an apothecary of Aleppo of that honour ; so that there the sword of knighthood is denied to none who bring a good sheath with them, and have a purse to pay soundly for it.

CHAP. V. — The Scuffling betwixt the King and Patriarch about the City of Jerusalem. The Issue thereof.

NOT long after, there was started a controversy of great consequence betwixt the king and patriarch ; the patriarch claiming the cities of Jerusalem and Joppa, with the appurtenances ; the king refusing to surrender them.

The patriarch pleaded, that these places anciently be- longed to his predecessors. He set before the king the heinousness of sacrilege, how great a sin it was when princes, who should be nursing fathers and suckle the church, shall suck from it; and showed how the common- wealth may grow fat, but never healthful, by feeding on the church's goods.

On the other side the king alleged, that the Christian princes had now purchased Jerusalem with their blood, and bestowed it on him; that the patriarch's overgrown title was drowned in this late conquest, from which, as from a new foundation, all must build their claims who challenge any right to any part in that city. Secondly, he pleaded, it was unreasonable that the king of Jerusalem

8 Sand. Trav. p. 229. 9 Idem, p. 159.

54 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1099

should have nothing in Jerusalem (as at this day the Roman emperor is a very cipher, without power or profit in Rome) and should live rather as a sojourner than a prince in his royal city, confined to an airy title, whilst the patriarch should have all the command.

To this the patriarch answered, that the Christians' new conquest could not cancel his ancient right, which was enjoyed even under the Saracens; that this voyage was principally undertaken for advancing the church, and not to restore her only to her liberty, and withhold from her her lands, so that in this respect she should find better usage from her foes than from her children. If we mistake not, the chief pinch of the cause lieth on the patriarch's proof, that the lands he demanded formerly belonged to his predecessors ; and we find him to fail in the main issue of the matter. True it was, that for the last thirty years, the patriarchs, on condition they should repair and fortify the walls of Jerusalem, were possessed of a fourth part of the city, even by grant from Bomensor the emperor of the Saracens, in the year of our Lord 1063. But that ever he had the whole city, either by this or by any previous grant, it appeareth not in Tyrius, who saith moreover1, We wonder for what reason the lord patriarch should raise this controversy against Duke Godfrey.

Let me add, that this our author is above exception ; for being both a politic statesman and pious prelate, no doubt his pen striketh the true and even stroke betwixt king and patriarch. Besides, he might well see the truth of this matter, writing in a well proportioned distance of time from it. Those who live too near the stories they write, oftentimes willingly mistake through partiality; and those who live too far off, are mistaken by uncertainties, the foot- steps of truth being almost worn out with time.

But to return to Godfrey, who though unwilling at first, yet afterwards not only on Candlemas day restored to the patriarch the fourth part of the city, but also on the Easter following gave him all Jerusalem, Joppa, and whatsoever he demanded ; conditionally that the king should hold it of the patriarch till such time as he could conquer Babylon, or some other royal city fit for him to keep his court in. If in the mean time Godfrey died without issue, the patri- arch was to have it presently delivered unto him.

We will be more charitable than those, that say that the

1 Lib. 9, cap. 16.

A.D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. .55

patriarch herein did bewitch and bemad Godfrey to make this large donation to him, by torturing his conscience at the confession of his sins2. Only we may question the discretion of this prince in giving a gift of so large a size ; for Charity's eyes must be open as well as her hands; though she giveth away her branches, not to part with the root.

And let the reader observe, that Godfrey at the time of this his bountiful grant lay on his death-bed, sick of that irrecoverable disease which ended him. How easily may importunity stamp any impression on those whom desperate sickness hath softened ! And if the sturdiest man nigh death may be affrighted into good works for fear of purga- tory, no wonder if devout Godfrey were pliable to any demand. Pierce Plowman 3 maketh a witty wonder, why friars should covet rather to confess and bury, than to christen children ; intimating it proceeded from covetous- ness, there being gain to be gotten by the one, none by the other. And this was the age wherein the convents got their best living by the dying, which made them (contrary to all other people) most to worship the sun setting.

CHAP. VI. — Godfrey's Death and Burial.

AUTHORS differ on the death of this noble king, some making him to die of that long wasting sickness, others of the plague1. It may be the plague took him out of the hands of that lingering disease, and quickly cut off what that had been long in fretting. He died July the 18th, having reigned one year wanting five days. A prince valiant, pious, bountiful to the church ; for, besides what he gave to the patriarch, he founded canons in the Temple of the Sepulchre, and a' monastery in the vale of Jehosha- phat.

We would say his death was very unseasonable (leaving the orphan state not only in its minority, but in its infancy), but that that fruit which to man's apprehension is blown down green and untimely, is gathered full ripe in God's providence. He was buried in the Temple of the Sepulchre, where his tomb is unviolated at this day, whether out of a religion the Turks bear to the place, or out of honour to his memory, or out of a valiant scorn to fight against dead bones ; or perchance the Turks are minded as John king

2 Centuriatores, centur. 12, col. 490. De schism.

3 In his Pass. 11. ' P. ^Emilius, lib. 5.

56 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 100

of England was, who being wished by a courtier to untomb the bones of one who whilst he was living had been his great enemy, " Oh no," said King John, " would all mine enemies were as honourably buried !"

CHAP. VII. — Baldwin chosen King. He keepeth Jerusalem in despite of the Patriarch.

GODFREY being dead, the Christians with a joint consent despatched an embassy to Baldwin his bro- ther [11 00], count of Edessa (a city in Arabia1, the lord whereof had adopted this Baldwin to be his heir) entreated him to accept of the kingdom ; which honourable offer he courteously embraced.

A prince whose body nature cut of the largest size, being, like Saul% higher by the head than his subjects. And though the Goths had a law always to choose a short thick man for their king3, yet surely a goodly stature is most majestical. His hair and beard brown, face fair, with an eagle's nose ; which in the Persian kings was anciently observed as a mark of magnanimity4-. Bred he was a scholar, entered into orders, and was prebendary in the churches of Rheims, Liege, and Cambray 5 ; but afterwards turned secular prince, as our Ethelwolf, who exchanged the mitre of Winchester for the crown of England6. Yet Baldwin put not off his scholarship with his habit, but made good use thereof in his reign. For though bookish- ness may unactive, yet learning doth accomplish a prince, and maketh him sway his sceptre the steadier.

He was properly the first king of Jerusalem (his brother Godfrey never accounted more than a duke) and was crowned on Christmas day [Dec. 25]. The reason that made him assume the name of a king was thereby to strike the greater terror into the Pagans7. Thus our kings of England from the days of King John were styled but lords of Ireland, till Henry VIII. first entitled himself king, because lord was slighted by the seditious rebels8. As for that religious scruple which Godfrey made, to wear a crown of gold where Christ wore one of thorns, Baldwin easily dispensed therewith. And surely in these things the

1 Plin. lib. 5, cap. 24. 2 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 2.

3 Munst. Cosraog. lib. 3, p. 264.

4 Pantal. in Vita Caroli V. 5 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 1.

6 Fox, Martyrol. p. 136. 7 Munst. Cosmog. p. 1008.

8 Camden, Brit. p. 732.

A. D. 1102

THE HOLY WAR.

57

mind is all ; a crown might be refused with pride, and worn with humility.

But before his coronation there was a tough bickering about the city of Jerusalem. Dabert the patriarch, on the death of Godfrey, devoured Jerusalem and the tower of David in his hope, but coming to take possession, found the place too hot for him. For Gamier earl of Gretz, in the behalf of King Baldwin (who was not as yet returned from Edessa) manned it against him. But so it happened, that this valiant earl died three days after, which by Dabert was counted a just judgment of God upon him for his sacrilege 9. Now though it be piety to impute all events to God's hand, yet to say that this man's death was for such a sin, showeth too much presumption towards God, and too little charity towards our neighbour. Indeed if sudden death had singled out this earl alone, it had somewhat favoured their censure ; but there was then a general mortality in the city which swept away thousands10; and which is most material, what this patriarch interpreted sacrilege, others accounted loyalty to his sovereign. As for that donation of the city of Jerusalem, and tower of David, which Godfrey gave to the patriarch, some thought that this gift overthrew itself with its own greatness, being so immoderately large ; others supposed it was but a personal act of Godfrey, and therefore died with the giver, as con- ceiving his successors not obliged to perform it, because it was unreasonable that a prince should in such sort fetter and restrain those who should come after him. Sure it is, that Baldwin having both the stronger sword, and possession of the city, kept it perforce, whilst the patriarch took that leave which is allowed to losers, to talk, chafe, and com- plain; sending his bemoaning letters to Boemund prince of Antioch11, inviting him to take arms, and by violence to recover the church's right; but from him received the useless assistance of his pity, and that was all.

CHAP. VIII.— The Church Story during this King's Reign.

A Chain of successive Patriarchs — Dabertus, Ebremarus,

Gibelline, and Arnulphus. Their several Characters.

\ FTERWARDS, this breach betwixt the king and

-/A. patriarch was made up by the mediation of some

friends [1 102] ; but the skin only was drawn over, not dead

9 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 4. 11 Tyrius, lib. 10.

Ursperg, p. 236.

58

THE HISTORY OF A.D.1103

flesh drawn out of the wound, and Arnulphus (whom we mentioned before), discontented for his loss of the patriarch's place, still kept the sore raw betwixt them. At last Dabertus the patriarch was fain to flee to Antioch, where he had plentiful maintenance allowed him by Bernard, patriarch of that see [1103]. But he was too high in the instep to wear another man's shoes, and conceived himself to be but in a charitable prison whilst he lived on another's benevolence. Wherefore hence he hasted to Rome1, com- plained to the pope, and received from his holiness a command to King Baldwin to be reestablished in the patriarch's place ; but returning home died by the way at Messina in Sicily, being accounted seven years patriarch, four at home, and three in banishment.

1107.] Whilst Dabertus was thrust out, one Ebremarus was made patriarch against his will by King Baldwin. A holy and devout man, but he had more of the dove than the serpent, and was none of the deepest reach. He, hear- ing that he was complained of to the pope for his irregular election, posted to Rome to excuse himself, showing he was chosen against his will ; and though preferment may not be snatched, it needs not be thrust away. But all would not do ; it was enough to put him out, because the king put him in. Wherefore he was commanded to return home, and to wait the definitive sentence, which Gibellinus archbishop of Aries, and the pope's legate, should pronounce in the matter.

Gibellinus, coming to Jerusalem, concluded the election of Ebremarus to be illegal and void, and was himself chosen patriarch in his place, and the other in reverence of his piety made archbishop of Caesarea. And though Ar- nulphus (the firebrand of this church), desired the patri- arch s place for himself, yet was he better content with Gibellinus's election, because he was a thorough old man, and hoped that candle would quickly go out that was in the socket.

To this Gibellinus King Baldwin granted, that all places which he or his successors should win, should be subject to his jurisdiction21; and this also was confirmed by Pope Paschal II. But Bernard, patriarch of Antioch, found himself much aggrieved hereat3, because many of these cities, by the ancient canon of the council of Nice, were

1 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 4. 3 Baronius in anno 1108.

2 Idem, lib. 11, cap. 28.

A. D. 1112 THE HOLY WAR. 59

subject to his church. At last the pope took the matter into his hand, and stroked the angry patriarch of Antioch into gentleness with good language. He showed, how since the council of Nice the country had got a new face ; ancient mountains were buried, rivers drowned in oblivion, and they new christened with other names ; yea, the deluge of the Saracens' tyranny had washed away the bounds of the church's jurisdictions, that now they knew not their own severals, where Mahometanism so long had made all common and waste. He desired him therefore to be con- tented with this new division of their jurisdictions, especially because it was reasonable, that the king of Jerusalem and his successors should dispose of those places, which they should win with their own swords. Bernard, perceiving hereby how his holiness stood affected in the business, contented his conscience that he had set his title on foot, and then quietly let it fall to the ground, as counting it no policy to show his teeth where he durst not bite.

Gibellinus never laid claim to the city of Jerusalem, whether it was because in thankfulness for this large eccle- siastical power which King Baldwin had bestowed upon him, or that his old age was too weak to strive with so strong an adversary. He sat four years in his chair, and Arnulphus, thinking he went too slow to the grave, is suspected to have given him something to have mended his pace, and was himself substituted in his room by the especial favour of King Baldwin.

1112]. This Arnulphus was called mala corona, as if all vices met in him to dance a round. And no wonder if the king, being himself wantonly disposed, advanced such a man; for generally, loose patrons cannot abide to be pinched and pent with over-strict chaplains. Besides, it was policy in him to choose such a patriarch as was liable to exceptions for his vicious life, that so if he began to bark against the king, his mouth might be quickly stopped. Arnulphus was as quiet as a lamb, and durst never challenge his interest in Jerusalem from Godfrey's donation, as fearing to wrestle with the king, who had him on the hip, and could out him at pleasure for his bad manners. Amongst other vices he was a great church robber, who to make Emmelor his niece a princess, and to marry Eustace prince of Sidon, gave her the city of Jericho for her dowry, and lands belonging to his see worth five thousand crowns yearly. And though papists may pretend that marriage causeth covetousness in the clergy, yet we shall find when

60 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1101

the prelacy were constrained to a single life, that their nephews ate more church bread than now the children of married ministers. Yea, some popes not only fed their bastards with church milk, but even cut off the church's breasts for their pompous and magnificent maintenance. And thus having dispatched the story of the church in this king's reign, we come now to handle the business of the commonwealth entirely by itself.

CHAP. IX. — A mountain-like Army of new Adventurers, after long and hard Travail, delivered^ of a Mouse. Alexius' & Treachery.

THE fame of the good success in Palestine, summoned a new supply of other pilgrims out of Christendom [1101]. Germany, and other places which were sparing at the first voyage, made now amends with double liberality. The chief adventurers were, Guelpho duke of Bavaria (who formerly had been a great champion of the popes against Henry the emperor, and from him they of the papal faction were denominated Guelphes ', in distinction from the impe- rial party which were called Gibellines). Hugh brother to the king of France, and Stephen, earl of Blois (both which had much suffered in their reputation for deserting their fellows in the former expedition, and therefore they sought to unstain their credits by going again. Stephen earl of Burgundy, William duke of Aquitain, Frederick count of Bogen, Hugh brother to the earl of Toulouse, besides many great prelates, Diemo archbishop of Salzburg, the bishops of Millain and Pavie % which led fifty thousand out of Lombardy, the total sum amounting to two hundred and fifty thousand. All stood on the tiptoes of expectation to see what so great an army would achieve ; men commonly measuring victories by the multitudes of the soldiers. 'But they did nothing memorable, save only that so many went so far to do nothing. Their sufferings are more famous than their deeds, being so consumed with plague, famine, and the sword, that Conrad abbot of Ursperg, who went and wrote this voyage, believeth that not a thousand of all these came into Palestine3, and those so poor that their bones would scarce hold together, so that they were fitter to be sent into an hospital than to march into the field, having nothing about them wherewith to affright their

1 Pantal. De Hist. Germ, part 2, p. 151.

2 Ursperg. p. 237. 3 In Chronico, p. 239.

A.D. 1101 THE HOLY WAR. 61

enemies, except it were the ghost-like ghastliness of their famished faces. The army that came out of Lornbardy were so eaten up by the swords of the Turks, that no frag- ments of them were left, nor news to be heard what was become of them ; and no wonder, being led by prelates unexperienced in martial affairs, which though perchance great clerks, were now to turn over a new leaf, which they had no skill to read. Luther was wont to say4, that he would be unwilling to be a soldier in that army where priests were captains, because the church, and not the camp, was their proper place ; whereas going to war, they willingly outed themselves of God's protection, being out of their vocation.

But the main matter which made this whole voyage miscarry in her travail, was the treachery of the midwife through whose hands it was to pass. For Alexius the Grecian emperor feared, lest betwixt the Latins in the east in Palestine, and west in Europe, as betwixt two mill- stones, his empire lying in the midst should be ground to powder. Whereupon, as these pilgrims went through his country, he did them all possible mischief, still under the pretence of kindness, (what hinderer to a false helper?) calling the chief captains of the army his sons, but they found it true, the more courtesy, the more craft. Yea, this deep dissembler would put off his vizard in private, and profess to his friends that he delighted as much to see the Turks and these Christians in battle, as to see mastiff dogs fight together5 ; and that which side soever lost, yet he himself would be a gainer6.

But when they had passed Grecia, and had crossed the Bosporus (otherwise called the arm of St. George), enter- ing into the dominion of the Turks, they were for thirty days exposed a mark to their arrows. And though this ?reat multitude was never stabbed with any mortal defeat in a set battle, yet they consumed away by degrees, the cowardly Turks striking them when their hands were pinioned up in the straits of unknown passages. The generals bestrewed the country about with their corpses. Great Hugh of France was buried at Tarsus in Cilicia ; duke Guelpho, at Paphos in Cyprus; Diemo the arch- bishop of Salzburg saw his own heart cut out7, and was

4 Cited by Lampad. Mellif. Histor. part 3, p. 268.

5 Bwoldus. 6 P. ^Emilius, p. 140. 7 Munst. Cosmog. p. 640.

62 THE HISTORY OF A.D.H.

martyred by the Turks at Chorazin 8 ; and God (saith ir. author) manifested by the event, that the war was ni pleasing unto him.

CHAP. X. — Antipatris and Ctesarea won by the Christian* The Variety of King Baldwin's Success.

MEANTIME Ring Baldwin was employed with bette success in Palestine; for hitherto Joppa was th< only port the Christians had ; but now by the assistance o the Genoan fleet (who for their pains were to have a thirc part of the spoil, and a whole street to themselves of even city they took1), Baldwin won most considerable haven-, along the Midland Sea. He began with Antipatris, t( ransom the Christian honour which was mortgaged here because Godfrey was driven away from hence ; and nc wonder, having no shipping z, whereas that army \vhicF takes a strong harbour, otter-like, must swim at sea as wel as go on ground.

Next he took Caesarea-Stratonis, built and so named the honour of Caesar Augustus, by Herod the Great, whc so politicly poised himself3, that he sat upright whilst th< wheel of fortune turned round under him. Let Antony win, let Augustus win, all one to him ; by contrary wind he sailed to his own ends. Caesarea taken, Baldwin a Rhamula put the Turks to a great overthrow.

But see the chance of war; few days after at the san place he received a great defeat by the infidels, wherein besides many others, the two Stephens, earls of Burgund and Blois, were slain. This was the first great overthrow the Christians suffered in Palestine, and needs must blow be grievous to them who were not used to be beaten. Th king was reported slain, but fame deserved to be pardonec for so good a lie, which for the present much disheartene the Christians, a great part of the soldiers' courage being! wrapped up in the life of the general.

Baronius (as bold as any Bethshemite to pry into the arki of God's secrets4) saith, this was a just punishment on Baldwin for detaining the church's goods5. But to leave hidden things to God, the apparent cause of his overthrow was his own rashness6, being desirous to engross all the

8 Ursperg. p. 238. » Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 14.

2 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 18. 3 Josephus. 4 1 Sam. vi.

5 In Annal. Eccles. anno 1100, et rursus, anno 1104.

0 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 20.

1104 THE HOLY WAR. 63

it alone, without sending for succours and supplies from neighbours. He assaulted his numerous enemies with andful of men, and so brake himself, with covetousness purchase more honour than he could pay for. And in he discovered his want of judgment, being indeed an arrow well feathered, but with a blunt pile ; he swift, but did not sink deep. Thus his credit lay eding, but he quickly stanched it. The Pagans, little peeling to be reencountered, gave themselves over to th and jollity (as security oftentimes maketh the sword all out of their hands from whom no force could wrest when Baldwin coming on them with fresh soldiers, ttuck them with the back blows of an unexpected enemy, *|ich always pierce the deepest, routed them and put m to the flight. This his victory followed so suddenly r his overthrow, that some mention not the overthrow all, but the victory only ; as that good horseman is rce perceived to be thrown, that quickly recovereth the die.

, XL — The Conquest of sundry fair Havens by the Christians. Ptolemais, etc.

7HILST the king was thus busied in battle [1102], Tancred prince of Galilee was not idle, but enlarged Christian dominions with the taking of Apamea and icea. These cities in Celosyria were built by Antio- s1, and they agreed so well together, that they were i [led sisters ; and as in concord, so in condition they went d in hand, being now both conquered together, tolemais next stooped to the Christian yoke [1104], named from Ptolemeus Philometer king of Egypt ; a city edj the Mediterranean, of a triangular form, having two es washed with the sea, the third regarding the champion. Genoan galleys being seventy in number, did the main vice in conquering, and had granted them for their ard large profits from the harbour, a church to them- ves, and jurisdiction over a fourth part of the city. This lemais was afterwards the very seat of the holy war. t me mind the reader of a Latin proverb, Lis Ptole- ica* ; that is, a long and constant strife, so called, from _|olemais, a froward old woman who was never out of angling. But may not the proverb as well be verified

1 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 23. Idem, cap. 28.

2 Vide Erasm. Adag.

64 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1107{

of this city, in which there was ninescore years' fighting against the Turks ?

With worse success did Baldwin count of Edessa, and Earl Joceline besiege Charran in Mesopotamia3 ; for when it was ready to be surrendered, the Christian captains fell j out amongst themselves, were defeated by the Pagans, and | the two forenamed earls taken prisoners. This Charran is famous for Abraham's living, and his father Terah's dying there4; and in the same place rich Crassus the Roman vomited up the sacrilegious goods he had devoured of the temple of Jerusalem, and had his army overthrown5. Nor here may we overpass, how Boemund prince of Antioch, with a great navy, spoiled the harbours of Grecia [llOTj, to be revenged of treacherous Alexius the emperor. Volun- taries for this service he had enough6, all desiring to have a lash at the dog in the manger, and every man's hand itching to throw a cudgel at him ; who like a nut tree must be manured by beating, or else would never bear fruit ; yet on some conditions an agreement at last was made betwixt them 7.

To return to Palestine. The next city that felt the victorious arms of the Christians was Biblus ; a good haven, and built by Heveus, the sixth son of Canaan. Here Adonis was anciently worshiped, whose untimely death by a boar Venus so much bemoaned ; and the fable is moralized, when lust lamenteth the loss of beauty con- sumed by age. Nor did Tripoli hold out long after [1109] ; so called, because jointly built by the Tyrians, Sidonians, and Aradites. And Berytus (since Barutus) accompanied her neighbour, and both of them were yielded unto the Christians. The king created one Bertram, a well-deserving nobleman, earl of Tripoli, who did homage to the king for his place, which was accounted a title of great honour, as being one of the four tetrarchies of the kingdom of Jeru- salem.

CHAP. XII. — The Description of Sidon and Tyre ; the one taken, the other besieged in vain, by Baldivin, 1110.

SIDON is the most ancient city of Phoenicia ; and though the proud Grecians counted all Barbarians besides them- selves, yet Phoenicia was the schoolmistress of Grecia, and first taught her her alphabet. For Cadmus, a Phoenician

3 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 30. 4 Gen. xi. 31. 5 Josephus. ° Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 6.

7 Idem.

A. D. 1112 THE HOLY WAR. 65

born, first invented and brought letters to Thebes. Sidon had her name from the eldest son of Canaan1, and was famous for the finest crystal glasses which here were made. The glassy sand was fetched forty miles off, from the river Belus; but it could not be made fusile till it was brought hither2; whether for want of tools, or from some secret sullen humour therein, we will not dispute. This city anciently was of great renown, but her fortune being as brittle as her glasses, she was fain to find neck for every one of the monarchs' yokes ; and now at last (by the assist- ance of the Danish and Norwegian fleet3) was subdued by the Christians [Dec. 19. 1112].

Flushed with this conquest, they next besieged Tyre. Sea and land, nature and art, consented together to make this city strong ; for it was seated in an island, save that it was tacked to the continent with a small neck of land, which was fortified with many walls and towers. It is questionable whether the strength or wealth of this city was greater; but out of question that the pride was greater than either. Here the best purples were dyed, a colour even from the beginning destined to courts and magistracy ; and here the richest clothes were embroidered and curiously wrought. And though generally those who are best with their fingers are worst with their arms, yet the Tyrians were also stout men, able mariners, and the planters of the noblest colonies in the world. As their city was the daughter of Sidon, so was it mother to Rome's rival Carthage, Leptis, Utica, Cadiz, and Nola. The most plentiful proof they gave of their valour was, when for three years they defended them- selves against Nebuchadnezzar ; and afterwards stopped the full career of Alexander's conquests ; so that his victori- ous army which did fly into other countries, was glad to creep into this city. Yet after seven months' siege (such is the omnipotency of industry) he forced it, and stripped this lady of the sea naked beyond modesty and mercy, putting all therein to the sword that resisted, and hanged up two thousand of the prime citizens in a rank along the sea- shore.

Yet afterwards Tyre outgrew these her miseries, and attained, though not to her first giant-like, yet to a compe- tent proportion of greatness. At this time wherein King Baldwin besieged it, it was of great strength and impor-

1 Gen. x. 15. 2 Sand. Trav. p. 210.

3 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 14. F

66 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1113

tance, insomuch that, finding it a weight too heavy for his shoulders, he was fain to break off his siege and depart.

With worse success he afterwards did rashly give battle to the vast army of the Persian general [1113], wherein he lost many men, all his baggage, and escaped himself with great difficulty5.

CHAP. XIII. — The pleasurable Voyages of King Baldwin, and his Death.

AFTER the tempest of a long war, a calm came at last, and King Baldwin had a five years' vacation of peace in his old age ; in which time he disported himself with many voyages for pleasure : as one to the Red Sea [1116], not so called from the redness of the water or sand, as some without any colour have conceited, but from the neigh- bouring Edomites, whom the Grecians called Erythreans, or red men, truly translating the Hebrew name of Edomites : they had their name of redness from their father Edom x. And here Baldwin surveyed the country, with the nature and strength thereof. Another journey he took afterwards into Egypt* [1117], as conceiving himself engaged in honour to make one inroad into that country, in part of payment of those many excursions the Egyptians had made into his kingdom. He took the city of Pharamia3, anciently called Rameses, and gave the spoil thereof to his soldiers. This work being done, he began his play, and entertained the time with viewing that riddle of nature, the river Nile, whose stream is the confluence of so many wonders : first, for its undiscoverable fountain ; though some late geogra- phers, because they would be held more intelligent than others, have found the head of the Nile in their own brains, and make it to flow from a fountain they fancy in the moun- tains of the moon, in the south of Africa ; then for the strange creatures bred therein, as river bulls, horses, and croco- diles. But the chiefest wonder is the yearly increasing thereof from the 17th of June to the midst of September4, overflowing all Egypt, and the banks of all human judg- ment to give the true reason thereof.

Much time Baldwin spent in beholding this river,

5 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 19.

1 Scalig. on Festus in .'Egyptius, et Fuller, Miscell. lib. 4, cap. 20. 2 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 31.

3 Calvisius makes it to be won at the former voyage.

4 Sand. Trav. p. 94.

A.D. 1118 THE HOLY WAR. 67

/herein he took many fishes, and his death in eating them ; 'or a new surfeit revived the grief of an old wound, which many years before received at the siege of Ptolemais. His sickness put him in mind of his sins, conscience speaking loudest when men begin to grow speechless ; and especially he grieved that, having another wife alive, he had married the countess of Sicily, the relict of Earl Roger ; jut now, heartily sorrowful for his fault, he sent away this iis last wife : yet we read not that he received his former again. Other faults he would have amended, but was pre- vented by death. And no doubt, where the deed could not present, the desire was a sufficient proxy. He died at Laris, a city in the road from Egypt, and was brought to Jerusalem, and buried on Palm Sunday, in the Temple of the Sepulchre, in the eighteenth year of his reign [March 26,1118].

A prince superior to his brother Godfrey in learning, equal in valour, inferior in judgment; rash, precipitate, greedy of honour, but swallowing more than he could ligest, and undertaking what he was not able to perform ; little affected to the clergy, or rather to their temporal greatness, especially when it came in competition with his own ; much given to women (besides the three wives he had, first marrying Gutrera, an English woman ; after her death, Tafror, an Armenian lady; and, whilst she yet sur- vived, the countess of Sicily), yet he had no child : God commonly punishing wantonness with barrenness. For the rest, we refer the reader to the dull epitaph written on his tomb, which (like the verses of that age) runneth in a kind of rhythm, though it can scarce stand on true feet : —

Rex Baldwinus, Judm alter Maccab&us, Spes patrite, vigor ecclesitf, virtus utriusque ; Quern formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant, Cedar 5, JEgypti Dan, ac homicida Damascus ; Proh dolor ! in modico clauditur hoc tumulo.

Baldwin, another Maccabee for might ; Hope, help of state, of church, and both's delight ; Cedar, with Egypt's Dan, of him afraid, Bloody Damascus to him tribute paid : Alas! here in this tomb is laid.

Let him who pleaseth play the critic on the divers read- ings; and whether by Dan be meant the Souldan, or whe-

* A liter Caesar.

63 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1118

ther it relateth to the conceit that Antichrist shall come of the tribe of Dan. But perchance the text is not worth a comment.

CHAP. XIV. — Baldwin the Second chosen King. Prince Eustace peaceably renounceth his Right.

IT happened the same day King Baldwin was buried, that Baldwin de Burgo, his kinsman, and count of Edessa, came casually into the city, intending only there to keep his Easter, when behold the Christian princes met together for the election of a new king. The greater part did centre their suffrages on Prince Eustace, brother to the two former kings, but then absent in France. They alleged that it was not safe to break the chain of succession, where the inver- sion of order bringeth all to confusion ; and that it was high ingratitude to the memories of Godfrey and Baldwin to exclude their brother from the crown, especially he being fit in all points to be a king, wanting nothing but that he wanted to be there ; that in the mean time some might be deputed to lock up all things safe, and to keep the keys of the state till he should arrive.

On the other side, some objected the dangers of an inter- regnum, how when a state is headless, every malecontent would make head ; inconveniences in another country would be mischiefs here, where they lived in the mouth of their enemies; and therefore to stay for a king was the way to lose the kingdom.

Then Joceline, prince of Tiberias, a man of great autho- rity, offered himself a moderator in this difference, and coun- selled both sides to this effect : to proceed to a present election, and therein to be directed, not confined by suc- cession ; though they missed the next, let them take one of Godfrey's kindred. As the case now stood, he must be counted next in blood that was next at hand ; and this was Baldwin, count of Edessa, on whom he bestowed most superlative praises. All were much affected with these his commendations, for they knew that Joceline was his sworn adversary, and concluded that it must needs be a mighty weight of worth in Baldwin, which pressed out praise from the mouth of his enemy ; though indeed private ends prompted him to speak this speech, who hoped himself to get the earldom of Edessa when Baldwin should be trans- lated to Jerusalem. However, his words took effect, and Baldwin hereupon was chosen king [April 2, 1118], and crowned on Easter day by Arnulphus, the patriarch1.

1 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 4.

A.D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 69

Meantime some secretly were sent to Prince Eustace to come and challenge the crown. But he, hearing that another was already in possession, though he was on his journey coming, quietly went back again. A large alms, to give away a kingdom out of his charity to the public cause.

Baldwin was of a proper personage, and able body, born nigh Rheims, in France, son to Hugh, count of Rorstet, and Millesent, his wife. He was exceedingly charitable to the poor, and pious towards God ; witness the brawn on his hands and knees made with continual praying : valiant also, and excellently well seen in all martial affairs .

We had almost forgotten what happened in this year, the death of Alexius the Grecian emperor, that arch-hypocrite and grand enemy of this war; on whom we may bestow this epitaph : —

If he of men the best doth know to live Who best knows to dissemble, justly then To thee, Alexius, we this praise must give, That thou to live didst know the best of men. And this was it at last did stop thy breath, Thou knew'st not how to counterfeit with death.

His son, Calo-Johannes, succeeded him in his empire, of whom we shall have much cause to speak hereafter.

CHAP. XVT.-— The ecclesiastical Affairs in this King's Reign.

ACCORDING to our wonted method, let us first rid out of the way church matters in this king's reign, that so we may have the more room to follow the affairs of the commonwealth. We left Arnulphus, the last patriarch of Jerusalem; since which time the bad savour of his life came to the pope's nose, who sent a legate to depose him. But Arnulphus hasted to Rome with much money1, and there bought himself to be innocent, so that he enjoyed the place during his life.

Guarimund succeeded in his place [1119], a very reli- gious man, by whom God gave the Christians many victo- ries. He called a council at Neapolis or Sichem, wherein many wholesome things were concluded for reformation of manners. Betwixt him and William, archbishop of Tyre (an Englishman), there arose a difference, because this archbishop would not receive his confirmation of him (from whom, by ancient right, he should take it), but from the

1 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 26.

70 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1128

pope, counting it the most honour to hold of the highest landlord. And indeed the pope for gain confirmed him, though he should have sent him to .the patriarch. But the court of Rome careth not though men steal their corn, so be it they bring it to their mills to grind.

After Guarimund's death [1128], Stephen, abbot of St. John de Valia, was chosen patriarch ; once a cavalier, but afterward, laying down the sword, he took up the word, and entered into orders. He awaked the patriarch's title to Jerusalem, which had slept during his three predecessors, and challenged it very imperiously of the king, for he was a man of spirit and mettle. And indeed he had too much life to live long. For the king, fearing what flame this spark might kindle, and finding him to be an active man, gave him (as it is suspected) a little more active poison, which cut him off in the midst of his age and beginning of his projects.

The king coming to him when he lay on his death-bed, asked him how he did : to whom he answered3, " My lord, for the present I am as you would have me" [1130]. A cruel murder, if true ; but it is strange, that he whose hands (as we have said) were hardened with frequent prayer, should soften them again in innocent blood. Wherefore we will not condemn the memory of a king on doubtful evi- den. The patriarch's place was filled with William, prior of the Sepulchre, a Fleming; a man better beloved than learned.

CHAP. XVI. — Knights-Templars and Teutonics instituted.

ABOUT this time the two great orders of Templars and Teutonics appeared in the world [1119]. The former under Hugh de Paganis, and Ganfred of St. Omer, their first founders. They agreed in profession with the Hospi- tallers, and performed it alike, vowing poverty, chastity, and obedience, and to defend pilgrims coming to the sepulchre. It is falsely fathered on St. Bernard, that he appointed them their rule * ; who prescribeth not what they should do, but only describeth what they did*: namely, how they were never idle, mending their old clothes when wanting other employment. ; never played at chess or dice, never ha%vked nor hunted, beheld no stage-plays ; arming themselves with faith within, with steel without; aiming more at strength

3 Tyrius, lib. 13, cap. 25. ' Baronius, in anno 1127.

2 Quarto el quinto cap. exhort.

A.D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 71

than state ; to be feared, not admired ; to strike terror with their valour, not stir covetousness with their wealth in the heart of their enemies. Other sweet praises of them let him who pleaseth fetch from the mouth of this mellifluous doctor.

Indeed, at first they were very poor, in token whereof they gave for their seal two men riding on one horse3. And hence it was, that if the Turks took any of them prisoners, their constant ransom was sword and a belt4 ; it being con- ceived that their poor state could stretch to no higher price. But after their order was confirmed by Pope Honorius (by the entreaty of Stephen, the patriarch of Jerusalem), who appointed them to wear a white garment, to which Euge- nius the Third added a red cross on their breast, they grew wonderfully rich by the bounty of several patrons ; yea, the king and patriarch of Jerusalem5 dandled this infant order so long in their laps till it brake their knees, it grew so heavy at last ; and these ungrateful Templars did pluck out the feathers of those wings which hatched and brooded them. From almsmen they turned lords ; and though 'very valiant at first (for they were sworn rather to die than to fly), afterwards laziness withered their arms, and swelled their bellies. They laughed at the rules of their first insti- tution, as at the swaddling clothes of their infancy ; neg- lecting the patriarch, and counting themselves too old to be whipped with the rod of his discipline ; till partly their viciousuess and partly their wealth caused their final extir- pation, as (God willing) shall be showed hereafter6.

At the same time began the Teutonic order, consisting only of Dutchmen well descended, living at Jerusalem in a house which one of that nation bequeathed to his country- men that, came thither on pilgrimage. In the year 1190 their order was honoured with a great master, whereof the first was Henry a- Walpot; and they had a habit assigned them to wear, black crosses on white robes : they were to fight in the defence of Christianity against Pagans. But we shall meet with them more largely in the following story.

3 Weaver, Fun. Mon. p. 71. 4 Hospin. De Orig. 8 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 7. 6 Lib. 5, cap. 1— 3.

Mon.

72 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1122

CHAP. XVII.— The Christians' Variety of Success. Tyre taken by the Assistance of the Venetians.

IT is worth the reader's marking how this king's reign was chequered with variety of fortune ; for first, Roger, prince of Antioch * (or rather guardian in the minority of young Boemund), went forth with greater courage than discretion; whereunto his success was answerable, being conquered and killed by the Turks. But Baldwin, on the 14th of August following, forced the Turks to a restitution of their victory, and with a small army gave them a great overthrow, in spite of Gazi, their boasting general.

To qualify the Christians' joy for this good success, Joce- line, unadvisedly fighting with Balak, a petty king of the Turks, \vas conquered and taken prisoner [1122]; and King Baldwin, coming to deliver him, was also taken him- self, for which he might thank his own rashness ; for it had been his best work to have done nothing for a while, till the Venetian succours, which were not far off, had come to him, and not presently to adventure all to the hazard of a battle.

Yet the Christians' hands were not bound in the king's captivity; for Eustace Grenier, chosen viceroy whilst the king was in durance, stoutly defended the country, and Count Joceline, who had escaped out of prison, fighting again with Balak at Hircapolis, routed his army, and killed him with his own hands. But the main piece of service was the taking of Tyre, which was done under the conduct of Guarimund, the patriarch of Jerusalem ; but chiefly by the help of the Venetian navy, which Michael their duke brought, who for their pains were to have a third part of the city to themselves. Tyre had in it store of men and munition ; but famine increasing (against whose arrows there is no armour of proof), it was yielded on honourable terms. And though perhaps hunger shortly would have made the Turks digest coarser conditions, yet the Christians were loath to anger their enemies' valour into desperateness.

Next year the king returned home [June 29], having been eighteen months a prisoner, being to pay for his ransom a hundred thousand Michaelets, and for security he left his daughter in pawn. But he paid the Turks with their own money, or (which was as good coin) with the money of the Saracens, vanquishing Barsequen their captain at An-

1 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 10.

i.D. 1131 THE HOLY WAR. 73

ioch [1125] : and not long after he conquered Doldequin, mother great commander of them at Damascus [1126],

To correct the rankness of the Christians' pride for this *ood success, Damascus was afterwards by them unfortu- nately besieged [1130]. Heaven discharged against them thunder ordinance, arrows of lightning, small-shot of hail, whereby they being miserably wasted were forced to depart. And this affliction was increased when Boemund, the young )rince of Antioch, one of great hope and much lamented, defeated and slain [1131]. Authors impute these mishaps to the Christians' pride, and relying on their own strength, which never is more untrusty than when most rusted. True it was, God often gave them great victories, .vhen they defended themselves in great straits : hereupon they turned their thankfulness into presumption, grew at last from defending themselves to dare their enemies on disad- vantages to their often overthrow : for God will not unmake lis miracles by making them common. And may not this also be counted some cause of their ill success, that they always imputed their victories to the material cross which was carried before them ; so that Christ's glory, after his ascension, suffered again on the cross by their superstition.

CHAP. XVIII.— The Death of Baldwin the Second.

KING Baldwin, a little before his death, renounced the world, and took on him a religious habit. This was he fashion of many princes in that age, though they did it or divers ends. Some thought to make amends for their disordered lives by entering into some holy order at their deaths; others, having surfeited of the world's vanity, fasted rom it when they could eat no more, because of the impo- ency of their bodies ; others, being crossed by the world by ome misfortune, sought to cross the world again in re- nouncing of it. These, like furious gamesters, threw up heir cards, not out of dislike of gaming but of their game ; and they were rather discontented to live than contented to die. But we must believe that Baldwin did it out of true devotion, to ripen himself for heaven, because he was piously ffected from his youth, so that all his life was religiously uned, though it made the sweetest music in the close. He died not long after, on the 22d of August, in the thirteenth ear of his reign, and was buried with his predecessors in the Temple of the Sepulchre. By Morphe, a Grecian lady, his wife, he had four daughters, whereof Millesent was the eldest ; the second Alice, married to young Boemund,

or THE '

UNIVERSH

74 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 113:

prince of Antioch; the third Hodiern, wife to Reimund prince of Tripoli; and Mete the youngest, abbess c Bethany.

CHAP. XIX. — Of Fuko, the fourth King of Jerusalem.

FULCO, earl of Tours, Mara, and Anjou, coming som< three years before on pilgrimage to Jerusalem [1132] there took in marriage Millesent, the king's daughter. IL had assigned to him the city of Tyre, and some othe princely accommodations for his present maintenance, anc the kingdom after the death of his father-in-law, which h received accordingly. He was well nigh sixty years old and by his first wife he had a son, Geffrey Plantagenet ear of Anjou, to whom he left his lands in France, and frorr whom our kings of England are descended. This Fulc was a very valiant man, able both of body and mind. Hi greatest defect was a weak memory (though not so bad a that of Messala Corvinus1, who forgot his own name) insomuch that he knew not his own servants, and those whom he even now preferred were presently after strangers unto him. Yet though he had a bad memory whilst he lived, he hath a good one now he is dead, and his virtues are famous to posterity.

CHAP. XX. — The' Church Story during this King's Reign. The remarkable Ruin of Rodolphus, Patriarch of Antioch.

THE church of Jerusalem yielded no alterations in the reign of Fulco. But in Antioch there was much stir who should succeed Bernard, that peaceable long-lived man, who sat thirty-six years, and survived eight patriarchs of Jerusalem. Now, whilst the clergy were tedious in theii choice, the laity was too nimble for them, and they (thinking it equal to have a hand in making, who must have theii arms in defending a .patriarch) clapped one Rodolphus, ol noble parentage, into the chair* [1136]. He presently took his pall off from the altar of St. Peter, thereby sparing both his purse and pains to go to Rome, and acknowledging no other superior than that apostle for his patron. This man was the darling of the gentry (and no wonder if they loved him who was of their cloth and making), but hated of the clergy. Wherefore knowing himself to need strong arms who was to swim against the stream, he wrought himsell

1 Plin. lib. 7, cap. 24. 2 Tyrius, lib. ID.

D. 1136 THE HOLY WAR. 75

nto the favour of the princess of Antioch, the widow of young Boemund, so that he commanded all her command, ind beat down his enemies with her strength. He promised o make a marriage betwixt her and Reimund, earl of Poictou (a Frenchman of great fame, who was coming into these parts), but he deceived her, and caused the earl to marry Constantia, the daughter of this lady, by whom he ad the principality of Antioch. Indeed this Constantia was but a child for age ; but they never want years to marry who have a kingdom for their portion.

The patriarch, to make sure work, bound Prince Reimund by an oath to be true to him ; but friends unjustly gotten are seldom comfortably enjoyed. Of his sworn friend he )roved his sworn enemy, and forced him to go up to Rome, here to answer many accusations laid to his charge, wherein the groundwork perchance was true, though malice might set the varnish on it. The main matter was, that he made Ddious comparisons betwixt Antioch and Rome, and counted limself equal to his holiness.

Rodolphus, coming to Rome, found the pope's doors shut against him, but he opened them with a golden key. Vloney he sowed plentifully, and reaped it when he came to be tried ; for he found their hands very soft towards him whom formerly he had greased in the fist. He also resigned lis old pall, and took a new one from the pope. As for lis other crimes, it was concluded that Albericus, bishop of Ostia, should be sent into Syria the pope's legate, to examine matters, and to proceed accordingly with the patriarch, as hings there should be found alleged and proved; whereat lis adversaries much stormed, who expected that he should nstantly have been deposed.

Yet afterwards they prevailed mightily with Albericus, he legate, and bowed him on their side. He, coming to Antioch, cited the patriarch to appear, who, being thrice ailed, came not. On his absence all were present with heir conjectures what should cause it ; some imputing it to lis guiltiness, others to his contempt, others to his fear of lis enemy's potency, or judge's partiality, for indeed the egate came not with a virgin judgment, but ravished with >rejudice, being prepossessed with this intent to dispossess iim of his place. Some thought he relied on his peace ormerly made at Rome, where the illegality of his election ras rectified by his laying down his first pall, and assuming

new one from the pope.

Here was it worth the beholding in what several streams

76 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1141

men's affections ran3. All wished that the tree might be felled, who had hopes to gather chips by his fall, and espe- cially one Arnulphus, and Dean Lambert, the promoters against the patriarch. Others pitied him, and, though perchance content that his roof might be taken down, were loath he should be razed to the ground. Some reserved their affections till they were counselled by the event which side to favour, and would not be engaged by any manifest declaration, but so that they might fairly retreat if need required. Amongst other prelates which were present, Serlo, archbishop of Apamea, was one, who formerly had been a great enemy to the patriarch, but had lately taken himself off from that course. The legate demanded of him why he proceeded not to accuse the patriarch as he was wont; to whom he answered4, " What formerly I did was done out of unadvised heat against the health of my soul, discovering the nakedness of my father, like to cursed Ham and now God hath recalled me from mine error : so that I will neither accuse, nor presumptuously judge him, but am ready to die for his safety." Hereupon the legate immedi- ately (such was the martial law in a churchman) deposed him from his archbishopric. Little hope then had the patriarch, who saw himself condemned in his friend : and he himself followed not long after5, being thrust out by vio- lence, cast into prison, and there long kept in chains, till at last he made an escape to Rome, intending there to traverse his cause again, had not death (occasioned by poison, as is thought) prevented him [1141].

CHAP XXI. — Calo- Johannes, the Grecian Emperor, dc- mandeth Antioch. Reimund, the Prince thereof, doeth Homage to him for it.

(^ ALO-JOHANNES, the Grecian emperor, came up \J with a vast army of horse and foot1 [1136], and de- manded of Reimund, prince of Antioch, to resign unto him that whole signory, according to the composition which the Christian princes made with Alexius, his father1.

Hereat Reimund and all the Latins stormed out of measure: had they purchased the inheritance of the land with their own blood, now to turn tenants at will to another?

3 Baronius, in anno 1136. 4 Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 16i. 5 Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 17. » Idem, lib. 14, cap. 14. 2 Vide supra, book l,chap. 15.

.D. 1140 THE HOLY WAR. 77

ome pleaded that the ill usage of Alexius3 extorted from rodfrey and the rest of the pilgrims that agreement, and n oath made by force is of no force, but may freely be roken, because not freely made. Others alleged that when oitioch was first won, it was offered to Alexius, and he ifused it4 ; so fair a tender was a payment. Others argued lat that generation which made this contract was wholly ead, and that the debt descended not on them to make

good. But most insisted on this, that Alexius kept not is covenants, and assisted them not according to the agree- lent. Indeed he called these princes his sons, but he isinherited them of their hopes, and all their portion was n promises never paid. No reason then that the knot of he agreement should hold them fast, and let him loose.

The worst of these answers had been good enough, if their words had been as strong as the Grecian emperor's. But he :oming with a numerous army, in few days overcame all ^ilicia (which for forty years had belonged to the prince of ^.ntioch), and then besieged the city of Antioch itself. ?orce is the body, and resolution the soul of an action : 30th these were well tempered together in the emperor's irmy, and the city brought to great distress; whereupon ?ulco, king of Jerusalem, with some other princes, fearing vhat woful conclusion would follow so violent premises, nade a composition between them ; so that Reimund did lomage to the emperor, and held his principality as a vassal rom him. And though four years after the emperor came igain into these parts [1140], yet he did not much harm ; )illaging was all his conquest. Some years after he died, >eing accidentally poisoned by one of his own arrows, which he intended for the wild boar. A prince so much better to the Latins than his father Alexius, as an honourable be is above a treacherous friend. His empire he disposed to Emmanuel, his son.

CHAP. XXII.— The Succession of the Turkish Kings and the Saracen Caliphs. Of the unlimited Power of a Souldan. Some Resemblance thereof anciently in the Kingdom of France.

O great service of moment was performed in the reign __ . of King Fulco, because he was molested with domesti- cal discords, and intestine wars against Paulinus count of

3 Ursperg. p. 235, tortis sacramentis.

4 Vide supra, book 1, chap. Id.

N

73 THE HISTORY OF

Tripoli, and Hugh earl of Joppa; only Beersheba was fortified, and some forts built about Askelon, as an intro- duction to besiege it. Also skirmishes were now and then fought with variety of success against Sanguin, one of the Turks' great princes.

And here let the reader take notice, that though we have mentioned many commanders, as Auxianus, Corboran, Ammiravissus, Tenduc, Gazi, Balak, Dordequin, Borscquin, Sanguin, some Turkish, some Saracen, yet none of these were absolute kings (though perchance in courtesy some- times so styled by writers), but were only generals and lieu- tenants accountable to their superiors, the caliphs either of Babylon or Egypt. Who what they were, we refer the reader to our chronology.

Caliph was the pope (as I may say) of the Saracens, a mixture of priest and prince. But we need not now trouble ourselves with curiosity in their successions, these caliphs being but obscure men, who confined themselves to plea- sures, making play their work, and having their constant diet on the sauce of recreation. We are rather to take notice of their generals and captains, which were the men of action. FoY a souldan (which was but a viceroy), with his borrowed light, shineth brighter in history than the caliph himself, yet may we justly wonder that these slothful caliphs should do nothing themselves, and commit such unlimited power to their souldans,especially seeing too much trust is a strong temptation to make ambitious flesh and blood disloyal. Yet something may be said for the caliph of Egypt, besides that the pleasures of that country were sufficient to invite him to a voluptuous life*. First, the awful regard which the Egyptians had of their princes gave them security to trust their officers with ample commission. Secondly, herein they followed an ancient custom practised by the Pharaohs anciently, who gave unto Joseph so large authority, as we may read in Genesis1. Some example also we have hereof in France about nine hundred years ago. Childeric, Theodoric, Clovis, Childebert, Dagobert, &c. a chain of idle kings well linked together, gave themselves over to pleasures privately, never coming abroad ; but only on May-day they showed themselves to the people, riding in a chariot, adorned with flowers, and drawn with oxen (slow cattle, but good enough for so lazy luggage) whilst

1 Sir Walter Raleigh, part 1, book 2, chap. ytf.

2 Gen. xli. 40.

ID. 1143 THE HOLY WAR. 79

lharles Martell and Pipin, mayors of the palace, opened

tickets, gave audience to embassadors, made war or peace,

lacted and repealed laws at pleasure, till afterwards, from

mtrollers of the king's household, they became controllers

the kings, and at last kings themselves.

To return to Egypt. Let none be troubled (pardon a

laritable digression to satisfy some scrupulous in a point

chronology) if they find anciently more kings of the

Igyptians, and longer reigning than the consent of times

fill allow room for : for no doubt that which hath swelled

te number, is the counting deputies for kings. Yea, we

id the Holy Spirit, in the same breath, speak a viceroy to

a king and no king; There was no king in Edom; a

\puty was king3.

[CHAP. XXIII.— The lamentable Death of King Fulco. "HEN Fulco had now eleven years with much in- dustry and care (though with little enlarging of his )minions) governed the land, he was slain in earnest as blowing his sport in hunting, to the great grief of his sub- its1 [1142]. And we may hear him thus speaking his >itaph :

A hare I hunted, and death hunted me ; The more my speed was, was the worse my speed : For as well-mounted I away did flee, Death caught and kill'd me, falling from my steed. Yet this mishap a happy miss I count, That fell from horse that I to heaven might mount, prince of a sweet nature ; and though one would have ad him to be very furious by his high-coloured countenance,

[et his face was a good hypocrite ; and (contra leges istiiis loris, saith Tyrius *) he was affable, courteous, and pitiful all in distress. He was buried with his predecessors in

le Temple of the Sepulchre, leaving two sons, Baldwin who

ras thirteen, and Almerick seven years old*

!HAP. XXIV.— The Disposition of Baldwin the Third. The

Care of Queen Millesent in her Son's Minority. BALDWIN succeeded his father [1143], who quickly ^ grew up, as to age, so in all royal accomplishments,

id became a most complete prince; well learned, espe-

3 1 Kings, xxii. 47. Melek in both.

1 Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. ult. 2 Lib. 14. cap. 1.

80 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 148

cially in history; liberal ; very witty and very pleasant hi discourse; he would often give a smart jest, which would make the place both blush and bleed where it lighted : yet this was the better taken at his hands, because he cherished not a cowardly wit in himself, to wound men behind their backs, but played on them freely to their faces ; yea, and never refused the coin he paid them in, but would be contented (though a king) to be the subject of a good jest : and sometimes he was well-favouredly met with 1 ; as the best fencer in wit's school hath now and then an unhappy blow dealt him. Some thought he descended beneath him- self in too much familiarity to his subjects : for he would commonly call and salute mean persons by their names : but the vulgar sort, in whose judgments the lowest stars are ever the greatest, conceived him to surpass all his prede- cessors, because he was so fellow-like with them.

But whilst yet he was in minority, his mother Millesent made up his want of age with her abundant care, being governor of all : a woman in sex, but of a masculine spirit. She continued a widow : and as for children's sake she married once, so for her children's sake she married no more. St. Bernard and she spake often together by letters* : he extolled her single life, how it was more honour to live a widow, than to be a queen': this she had by birth, that by God's bounty ; this she was happily begotten, that she had manfully gotten of herself3. Yet we find not that she made a vow never to marry again ; wherein she did the wiser : for the chastest minds cannot conclude, from the present calm, that there will never after arise any lustful storm in their souls. Besides, a resolution is a free custody ; but a vow is a kind of prison, which restrained nature hath the more desire to break.

CHAP. XXV. — Of Fulcher Patriarch of Jerusalem, and the Insolence of the Hospitallers against him.

WILLIAM, who was last possessed of the patriarch's chair in Jerusalem, was none of the greatest clerks. But whatsoever! he was for edifying of the church, he was excellent at building of castles (one at Askelon, another at Ramula, a third called Blank-guard for the securing of pil- grims), till at last, having sat in his place fifteen years, he

1 Tyrius, lib. 16, cap. 2. 2 Epist. 206, col. 1569.

3 Illud tibi ex genere, istud ex munere Dei; illud feh'citer nata es, hoc viriliter nacta. Epist. 289. col.

A. D. 1156 THE HOLY WAR. 81

|\vas translated to heaven [1145], and on earth Fulcher archbishop of Tyre succeeded him. An honest old man, whose weak age was much molested with the pride and rebellion of the Hospitallers, who lately had procured from the pope a plenary exemption from the patriarch. This his holiness did the more willingly grant, because hereby he made himself absolute master of all orders, pinning them on himself by an immediate dependence, and so bringing water to his mill by straighter and nearer stream. But hereby the entireness of episcopal jurisdiction was much maimed and mangled, and every convent was a castle of rebels, armed with privileges to fight against their lawful diocesan.

Now as these Hospitallers wronged the power of the bishops, so did they rob the profit of poor priests, refusing to pay any tithes of their manors, which contained many parishes (so that the pastors who fed the flocks were starved themselves; and having laboured all day in the vineyard, were at night sent supperless to bed), the Hospi- tallers pleading that the pope had freed them from these duties ; as if an acquittance under the hand of his holiness was sufficient to discharge them from paying of tithes, a debt due to God. Other foul crimes they also were guilty of: as, outbraving the Temple of the Sepulchre with their I stately buildings ; giving the sacraments to and receiving of excommunicated persons; ringing their bells when their pa- triarch preached, that his voice might not be heard ; shooting I arrows into the church to disturb him and the people in [divine service1; a bundle whereof were hung up as a mo- nument of their impiety [1156].

Fulcher the patriarch crawled to Rome, being a hundred years old, to complain of these misdemeanours; carrying with him the archbishop of Tyre and five other bishops. But he had sped better, if instead of every one of them he had carried a bag of gold. For the Hospitallers prevented him, and had formerly been effectually present with their large bribes, so that the patriarch's suit was very cold ; and no wonder, seeing he did afford no fuel to heat it. The cardinals' eyes in the court of Rome were old and dim ; and therefore the glass wherein they see any thing must be well silvered. Indeed two of them, Octavian, and John of St. Martin, favoured Christ's cause and his ministers, but all the rest followed gifts, and the way of Balaam the son of

Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 3. c

82 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1142

Bosor3. But here Baronius4, who hitherto had leaned on Tyrius 's authority, now starteth from it : and no wonder, for his pen will seldom cast ink, when he meeteth with the corruption of the Romish court. But sure it was, that the good patriarch, wearied with delays, returned back with his grievances unredressed. Whereupon the Hospitallers grew more insolent; and, under pretence of being freed from fetters, would wear no girdle; denying not only subjection, but any filial obedience to a superior.

CHAP. XXVI. — Of Almericus Patriarch of Antioch, his instituting of Carmelites. Their differing from the Pattern of Elias.

AFTER the tragical life and death of Rodolphus patri- arch of Antioch [1142], who was twelve years patri- arch, counting his banishment, Haymericus by the contrary faction and power of Prince Reimund succeeded him, with little quiet and comfort of his place.

And here, to our grief, must we take our final farewell of the distinct succession of the patriarchs of Antioch, with the years that they sat ; such is the obscurity and confusion of it. Yet no doubt this Haymericus was the same with Al- mericus1, who about the year 1160 first instituted the order of Carmelites. Indeed formerly they lived dispersed about the mountain of Carmel: but he gathered them together into one house; because solitariness is a trespass against the nature of man, and God, when he had made all things good, saw it was not good for man to be alone.

Surely from great antiquity in the primitive church, many retired themselves to solitary places (where they were always alone, and always in the company of good thoughts) chiefly to shade themselves from the heat of persecution *. Whose example was in after ages imitated by others, when there was no such necessity : as here by these Carmelites, whose order was afterwards perfected in the year 1216, by Albert patriarch of Jerusalem, with certain canonical observations imposed upon them. And in the next age, these bees, which first bred in the ground and hollow trees, got them hives in gardens ; and, leaving the deserts, gained them princely

a Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secuti sunt vias Balaam filii Bosor. Tyrius, lib. 18, cap. 8.

4 Annal. Eccles. in anno 1155.