LIBRARY

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THE WRITINGS

THOMAS JEFFERSON

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MEMOIR, CORRESPONDENCE,

MISCELLANIES,

FROM THE PAPERS OF

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

EDITED BY

THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH.

VOLUME I.

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UNIVER*

OF

CHARLOTTESVILLE : PUBLISHED BY F. CARR, AND CO.

1829.

EASTERN DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA, to wit :

^^yi:^^^^^:^ Be IT REMEMBERED, that on the Seventeenth day of January, in * _ _, * the fifty-third year of the Independence of the United States of I ^^ I America, THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH, of the said Dis- *'******** trict, hath deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit :

" Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the papers of Thomas Jefferson. Edited by Thomas Jefferson Randolph.

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned." RD. JEFFRIES,

Clerk of the Eastern District of Virginia.

Jefferson Clark, Printer.

PREFACE

The opinion universally entertained of the extraordinary abili- ties of Thomas Jefferson, and the signal evidence given by his country, of a profound sense of his patriotic services, and of vene- ration for his memory, have induced the Editor, who is both his Executor and the Legatee of his Manuscript papers, to believe that an extensive publication from them, would be particularly acceptable to the American people.

The Memoir, contained in the first volume, commences with circumstantial notices of his earliest life ; and is continued to his arrival in New York, in March, 1790, when he entered on the duties of the Department of State, of which he had been just appointed Secretary.

From the aspect of the Memoir, it may be presumed that parts of it, at least', had been written for his own and his family's use only ; and in a style without the finish of his revising pen. There is, however, no part of it, minute and personal as it may be, which the Reader would wish to have been passed over by the Editor ; whilst not a few parts of that description, will, by some, be re- garded with a particular interest.

The contents of the Memoir, succeeding the biographical pages, maiy be designated as follows :

I. General facts and anecdotes relating to the origin and early stages of the contest with Great Britain.

II. Historical circumstances relating to the Confederation of tlie States.

III. Facts and anecdotes, local and general, preliminary to the Declaration of Independenee.

f rr o »7 o I

VI

IV. An exact account of the circumstances attending that me- morable act, in its preparation and its progress through Congress ; with a copy from the original draught, in the hand writing of the Author; and a parallel column, in the same hand, shewing the alterations made in the draught by Congress.

The Memoir will be considered not a little enriched by the Debates in Congress, on the great question of Independence, as they were taken down by Mr. Jefferson at the time, and which, though in a compressed form, present the substance of what passed on that memorable occasion. This portion of the work derives pecuhar value from its perfect authenticity, being all in the hand writing of that distinguished member of the body; from the cer- tainty that this is the first disclosure to the world of those Debates ; and from the probability, or ratlier certainty, that a like knowledge of them is not to be expected from any other source. The same remarks are applicable to the Debates in the same Congress, pre- served in the same manner, on two of the original Articles of Confederation. The first is the Article fixing the rate of assessing the quotas of supply to the common Treasury : the second is the Article which declares, " that in determining questions each Colony shall have one vote." The Debates on both are not only inte- resting in themselves, but curious, also, in relation to like discus- sions of the same subjects on subsequent occasions.

V. Views of the connections and transactions of the United States with foreign nations, at different periods; particularly, a narrative, with many details, personal and political, of the causes and early course of the French Revolution, as exhibited to the observation of the Author, during his diplomatic residence at Paris. The narrative, with the intermingled reflections on the character and consequences of that Revolution, fill a considerable space in the Memoir, and form a very important part of it.

VI. Within the body of the Memoir, or referred to as an appen- dix, are other papers which were thought well entitled to the place they occupy. Among them, are, 1 . A paper drawn up in the year 1774, as "Instructions to our Delegates in Congress." Though

Vll

heretofore in print, it will be new to most readers ; and will be regarded by all, as the most ample and precise enumeration of British violations that had then appeared, or, perhaps, that has since been presented in a form at once so compact and so com- plete. 2. A Penal code, being part of a Revised Code of Laws, prepared by appointment of the Legislature of Virginia, in 1776, with reference to the Republican form of Government, and to the principles of humanity congenial therewith, and with the improv- ing spirit of the age. Annexed to the several articles, are ex- ^ planatory and other remarks of the Author, worthy of being pre- served by the aid of the press. 3. A historical and critical review of the repeal of the laws establishing the Church in Vir- ginia ; which was followed by the " Act for establishing religious freedom." This act, it is well known, was always held by Mr. Jefferson to be one of his best efforts in the cause of liberty, to which he was devoted : and it is certainly the strongest legal bar- rier that could be erected against a connection between Church and State, so fatal in its tendency to the purity of both. 4. An elaborate paper concerning a Money Unit, prepared in the year 1784, and which laid the foundadon of the system adopted by Congress, for a coinage and money of account. For other parti- culars, not here noted, the Reader is referred to the volume itself.

The termination of the Memoir, at the date mentioned, by the Author, may be explained by the laborious tasks assumed or not declined by him, on his return to private Hfe ; which, with his great age, did not permit him to reduce his materials into a state proper to be embodied in such a work.

The other volumes contain, L Letters from 1775, to his death, addressed to a very great variety of individuals ; and comprising a range of information, and in many instances, regular essays, on subjects of History, Politics, Science, Morals and Religion. The letters to him are omitted except in a very few instances, where it was supposed their publication would be generally acceptable, from the important character of the communication, or the general interest in the views of the writer ; or where the whole or a part of a letter had been filed for tlie better understanding of the answer.

VIU

In these cases, such letters are inserted in the body of the work, or in an appendix, as their importance, and connection with the sub- ject discussed by the Author, rendered advisable. And where inferences from the tenor of the answer, might in any way affect the correspondent, his name does not appear in the copy filed. The historical parts of the letters, and the entire publication, have the rare value of coming from one of the chief actors liimself, and of being written, not for the public eye, but in the freedom and confidence of private friendship.

n. Notes of conversations, whilst Secretary of State, with Pre- sident Washington, and others high in office ; and memoranda of Cabinet Councils, committed to paper on the spot, and filed ; the whole, with the explanatory and miscellaneous additions, shewing tlie views and tendencies of parties, from the year 1789 to 1800.

Appended to the publication, is a * Fac simile' of the rough draught of the Declaration of Independence, in which will be seen the erasures, interlineations and additions of Dr. Frankhn and Mr. Adams, two of the appointed Committee, in the hand writing of each.

The Editor, though he cannot be insensible to the genius, the learning, the philosophic inspiration, the generous devotion to vir- tue, and the love of country, displayed in the writings now com- mitted to the press, is restrained, not less by his incompetency, than by his relation to the Author, from dwelling on themes which belong to an eloquence that can do justice to the names of illus- trious benefactors to their country and to their fellow men.

Albemarle, Va. January, 1829.

TABLE OF CONTENTS,

Page. Memoir 1

Appendix to Memoir 91

Correspondence.. 149

Appendix to Correspondence 451

NOTICE

The Fac simile of the rough draught of the Declaration of Independence, was not engraved in time, to be inserted in its 'appropriate place in this volume. It is, therefore, appended to a subsequent one.

The notes inclosed in brackets, are by the Editor. In one instance only, (page 29 of this volume) this mark of distinction has been accidentally omitted.

A list of the principal errata, will be found at tlie close of the last volume.

/I A ( JyiA^'f^^i^^ i^

MEMOIR.

January 6, 1821. At the age of 77, I begin to make some memoranda, and state some recollections of dates and facts con- cerning myself, for my own more ready reference, and for the information of my family.

The tradition in my father's family was, that their ancestor came to this country from Wales, and from near the mountain of Snow- den, the highest in Great Britain. I noted once a case from Wales, in the law reports, where a person of our name was either plaintiff or defendant ; and one of the same name was secretary to the Virginia Company. These are the only instances in which I have met with the name in that country. I have found it in our early records ; but tlie first particular information I have of any ancestor was of my grandfather, who lived at the place in Ches- terfield called Ozborne's, and owned the lands afterwards the glebe of the parish. He had three sons ; Thomas who died young, Field who settled on the waters of Roanoke and left numerous descend- ants, and Peter, my father, who settled on tlie lands I still own, called Shadwell, adjoining my present residence. He was born February 29, 1707-8, and intermarried 1739, with Jane Ran- dolph, of the age of 19, daughter of Isham Randolph, one of the seven sons of that name and family settled at Dungeoness in Goochland. They trace their pedigree far back in England and Scotland, to which let every one ascribe the faith and merit he chooses.

My father's education had been quite neglected; but being of a strong mind, sound judgment, and eager after information, he read much and improved himself, insomuch that he was chosen, with Joshua Fry, professor of Mathematics in William and Mary college, to continue the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina, which had been begun by Colonel Byrd ; and was after- wards employed with the same Mr. Fry, to make the first map of Virginia which had ever been made, that of Captain Smith being

VOL. I. 1

merely a conjectural sketch. They possessed excellent materials for so much of the coimtry as is below the blue ridge ; little being then known beyond that ridge. He was the third or fourth setder, about the year 1737, of the part of the country in which I live. He died August 17tli, 1757, leaving my mother a widow, who lived till 1776, with six daughters and two sons, myself the elder. To my younger brother he left his estate on James river, called Snowden, after the supposed birth place of the family : to myself, the lands on which I was born and live. He placed me at the English school at five years of age ; and at the Latin at nine, where I continued until his death. My teacher, Mr. Douglas, a clergyman from Scotland, with tlie rudiments of the Latin and Greek languages, taught me the French ; and on the death of my father, I w^ent to the Reverend Mr. Maury, a correct classical scholar, with whom I continued two years ; and then, to wit, in the spring of 1760, went to William and Mary college where I continued two years. It was my great good fortune, and what probably fixed the destinies of my fife, that Dr. William Small of Scotland, was then professor of Mathematics, a man profound in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, and an enlarged and liberal mind. He, most happily for me, became soon attached to me, and made me his daily companion when not engaged in the school ; and from his conversation I got my first views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in which we are placed. Fortunately, the philosophical chair became vacant soon after my arrival at college, and he was appointed to fill it per in- terim : and he was the first who ever gave, in that college, regular lectures in Ethics, Rhetoric and Belles lettres. He returned to Europe in 1762, having previously filled up the measure of his goodness to me, by procuring for me, from his most intimate friend George Wythe, a reception as a student of law, under his direction, and introduced me to the acquaintance and familiar table of Go- vernor Fauquier, the ablest man who had ever filled that office. With him, and at his table. Dr. Small and Mr. Wythe, his amid omnium horarum, and myself, formed a partie quarree, and to the habitual conversations on these occasions I owed much instruction. Mr. Wythe continued to be my faithful and beloved mentor in youth, and my most affectionate friend through life. In 1767, he led me into the practice of the law at the bar of the General court, at which I continued until the Revolution shut up the courts of justice.*

* For a sketch of the life and character of Mr. Wythe, see my letter of Au- gust 31, 1820, to Mr. John Saundcrson. [See Appendix, note A.]

3

In 1769, 1 became a member of the legislature by the choice of the county in which I live, and so continued until it was closed by the Revolution. I made one effort in that body for the permission of the emancipation of slaves, which was rejected : and indeed, during the regal government, notliing liberal could expect success. Our minds were circumscribed within narrow limits, by an habi- tual belief that it was our duty to be subordinate to the. mother country in all matters of government, to direct all our labors in sub- servience to her interests, and even to observe a bigoted intoler- ance for all religions but hers. The difficulties with our represen- tatives were of habit and despair, not of reflection and conviction. Experience soon proved that they could bring tlieir minds to rights, on the first summons of their attention. But the King's Council, which acted as another house of legislature, held their places at will, and were in most humble obedience to tliat will : tlie Go- vernor too, who had a negative on our laws, held by the same te- nure, and with still greater devotedness to it: and, last of all, the Royal negative closed the last door to every hope of amelioration.

On the 1st of January, 1772, I was married to Martha Skelton, widow of Bathurst Skelton, and daughter of John Wayles, then twenty-three years old; Mr. Wayles was a lawyer of much prac- tice, to which he was introduced more by his great industry, punc- tuality and practical readiness, than by eminence in the science of his profession. He was a most agreeable companion, full of plea- santry and good humor, and welcomed in every society. He ac- quired a handsome fortune^ and died in May, 1773, leaving three daughters : the portion which came on that event to Mrs. Jeffer- son, after the debts should be paid, which were very considerable, was about equal to my own patrimony, and consequently doubled tlie ease of our circumstances.

When the famous Resolutions of 1765, against the Stamp-act, were proposed, I was yet a student of law in Williamsburg. I at- tended the debate, however, at the door of the lobby of die House of Burgesses, and heard the splendid display of Mr. Hen- ry's talents as a popular orator. They were great indeed ; such as I have never heard from any other man. He appeared to me to speak as Homer wrote. Mr. Johnson, a lawyer, and member from the Northern neck, seconded the resolutions, and by him the learning and logic of the case were chiefly maintained. My recollections of these transactions may be seen page 60 of the life of Patrick Henry, by Wirt, to whom I furnished them.

In May, 1769, a meeting of the General Assembly was called by the Governor, Lord Botetourt. I had then become a member ; and to that njeeting became known the joint resolutions and ad-

dress of the Lords and Commons of 1768-9, on the proceedings in Massachusetts. Counter-resolutions, and an address to the King by the House of Burgesses, were agreed to with little oppo- sition, and a spirit manifestly displayed itself of considering the cause of Massachusetts as a common one. The Governor dissolv- ed us : but we met the next day in the Apollo^ of the Raleigh tavern, (ormed ourselves into a voluntary convention, drew up ar- ticles of association against the use of any merchandise imported from Great Britain, signed and recommended them to the people, repaired to our several counties, and were re-elected without any other exception than of the very few who had declined assent to our proceedings.

Nothing of particular excitement occurring for a considerable time, our countrymen seemed to fall into a state of insensibility to our situation ; the duty on tea, not yet repealed, and the decla- ratory act of a right in tlie British Parliament, to bind us by their law^s in all cases w^hatsoever, still suspended over us. But a court of enquiry held in Rhode Island in 1762, with a power to send persons to England to be tried for offences committed here, was considered, at our session of the spring of 1773, as demanding attention. Not tliinking our old and leading members up to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times required, Mr. Hen- ry, Richard Henry Lee, Francis L. Lee, Mr. Carr and myself agreed to meet in the evening, in a private room of the Raleigh, to consult on the state of things. There may have been a member or two more whom I do not recollect. We were all sensible that the most urgent of all measures was that of coming to an under- standing with all the other colonies, to consider the British claims as a common cause to all, and to produce a unity of action : and for this purpose that a committee of correspondence in each co- lony would be the best instrument for intercommunication : and that their first measure would probably be, to propose a meeting of deputies from every colony, at some central place, who should be charged with the direction of the measures which should be ta- ken by all. We therefore drew up the resolutions which may be seen in Wirt, page 87. The consulting members proposed to me to move them, but I urged that it should be done by Mr. Carr, my friend and brother-in-law, then a new member, to whom I wished an opportunity should be given of making known to the house his great wordi and talents. It was so agreed ; he moved them, they were agreed to nem. con. and a committee of correspondence ap- pointed, of whom Peyton Randolph, the speaker, was chairman.

[* The name, of a public ruoui in llie Raleigh.]

The Governor (then Lord Dunmore) dissolved us, but the com- mittee met the next day, prepared a circular letter to the speakers of the other colonies, inclosing to each a copy of the resolutions, and left it in charge with their chairman to forward them by ex- presses.

The origination of these committees of correspondence between the colonies, has been since claimed for Massachusetts, and Mar- shall* has given into this error, although the very note of his ap- pendix to which he refers, shows that dieir establishment was con- fined to their own towns. Thi^ matter will be seen clearly stated in a letter of Samuel Adams Wells to me of April 2nd, 1819, and my answer of May 12th. I was corrected by the letter of Mr. Wells in the information I had given Mr. Wirt, as stated in his note, page 87, that the messengers of Massachusetts and Virginia crossed each other on the way, bearing similar propositions ; for Mr. Wells shows that Massachusetts did not adopt the measure, but on the receipt of our proposition, delivered at their next ses- sion. Their message, therefore, which passed ours, must have re- lated to something else, for I well remember Peyton Randolph's in- forming me of the crossing of our messengers.f

The next event which excited our sympathies for Massachusetts, was the Boston port bill, by which that port was to be shut up on the 1st of June, 1774. This arrived while we were in session in the spring of that year. The lead in the House, on these subjects, being no longer left to the old members, Mr. Henry, R. H. Lee, Fr. L. Lee, three or four other members, whom I do not recol- lect, and myself, agreeing that we must boldly take an unequivocal stand in the line with Massachusetts, determined to meet and con- sult on the proper measures, in the council chamber, for the ben- efit of the library in that room. We were under conviction of the necessity of arousing our people from the lediargy into which they had fallen, as to passing events ; and thought that the appointment of a day of general fasting and prayer, would be most likely to call up and alarm their attention. No example of such a solem- nity had existed since the days of our distresses in the war of '55, since which a new generation had grown up. With the help, therefore, of Rushworth, whom we rummaged over for the revo- lutionary precedents and forms of the Puritans of that day, pre- served by him, we cooked up a resolution, somewhat modernizing their phrases, for appointing the 1st dayof June, on which the port bill was to commence, for a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer,

* Life of Washington, vol. ii. p. 151. [t Seo Appendix, note B.]

6

to implore Heaven to avert from us the evils of civil war, to in- spire us with firmness in support of our rights, and to turn the hearts of the King and Parliament to moderation and justice. To give greater emphasis to our proposition, we agreed to wait tlie next morning on Mr. Nicholas, whose grave and religious charac- ter was more in unison with the tone of our resolution, and to so- licit him to move it. We accordingly went to him in the morning. He moved it the same day; the 1st of June was proposed; and it passed without opposition. The Governor dissolved us, as usual. We retired to the Apollo, as before, agreed to an association, and instructed the committee of correspondence to propose to the cor- responding committees of the other colonies, to appoint deputies to meet in Congress at such place, annually, as should be con- venient, to direct, from time to time, the measures required by the general interest : and we declared that an attack on any one colony, should be considered as an attack on the whole. This was in May. We further recommended to the several coundes to elect 'deputies to meet at Williamsburg, the 1st of August ensuing, to consider the state of the colony, and particularly to appoint dele- gates to a general Congress, should that measure be acceded to by the committees of correspondence generally. It was acceded to ; Philadelphia was appointed for the place, and the 5th of Sep- tember for the time of meeting. We returned home, and in our several counties invited the clergy to meet assemblies of the peo- ple on the 1st of June, to perform the ceremonies of the day, and to address to them discourses suited to the occasion. The people met generally, with anxiety and alarm in their countenances, and the effect of the day, through the whole colony, was like a shock of electricity, arousing every man and placing him erect and solidly on his centre. They chose, universally, delegates for the conven- tion. Being' elected one for my own county, I prepared a draught of instructions to be given to the delegates whom we should send to the Congress, which I meant to propose at our meeting.* In this I took the ground that, from the beginning, I had thought the only one orthodox or tenable, which was, that the relation between Great Britain and these colonies was exacdy the same as that of England and Scotland, after the accession of James and until the union, and the same as her present relations with Hanover, having the same executive chief, but no other necessary political con- nection ; and that our emigration from England to this country gave her no more rights over us, than the emigrations of the Danes and Saxons gave to the present autlioriues of the mother country, over

[* See Ap})endix,i)ote C]

England. In this doctrine, however, I had never been able to get any one to agree with me but Mr. Wythe. He concurred in it from the first dawn of the question. What was the political rela- tion between us and England ? Our other patriots, Randolph, the Lees, Nicholas, Pendleton, stopped at the half way house of John Dickinson, who admitted that England had a right to regulate our commerce, and to lay duties on it for the purposes of regula- tion, but not of raising revenue. But for this ground there was no foundation in compact, in any acknowledged principles of colo- nization, nor in reason : expatriation being a natural right, and acted on as such, by all nations, in all ages. I set out for Wil- liamsburg some days before that appointed for our meeting, but was taken ill of a dysentery on the road, and was unable to proceed. I sent on, tlierefore, to Williamsburg two copies of my draught, the one under cover to Peyton Randolph, who I knew would be in the chair of the convention, the other to Patrick Henry. Whether Mr. Henry disapproved the ground taken, or was too lazy to read it (for he was the laziest man in reading I ever knew) I never learned : but he communicated it to nobody. Peyton Randolph informed the convention, he had received such a paper from a member, prevented by sickness from offering it in his place, and he laid it on the table for perusal. It was read generally by die members, approved by many, though thought too bold for the pre- sent state of things ; but they printed it in pamphlet form, under the title of ' A summary view of the rights of British America.' It found its way to England, was taken up by the opposition, interpo- lated a little by .Mr. Burke so as to make it answer opposition pur- poses, and in that form ran rapidly through several editions. This information I had from Paj-son Hurt, who happened at the time to be in London, whither he had gone to receive clerical orders ; and I was informed afterwards by Peyton Randolph, that it had pro- cured me the honor of having my name inserted in a long list of proscriptions, enrolled in a bill of attainder commenced in one of tlie Houses of Parliament, but suppressed in embryo by the hasty step of events, which warned them to be a litde cautious. Mon- tague, agent of the House of Burgesses in England, made extracts from the bill, copied the names, and sent them to Peyton Randolph. The names I think were about twenty, which he repeated to me, but I recollect those only of Hancock, the two Adamses, Peyton Randolph himself, Patrick Henry, and myself.* The convention met on the 1st of August, renewed their association, appointed dele- gates to the Congress, gave them instructions very temperately and

* See Girardin's History of Virginia, Appendix No. 12. note.

8

properly expressed, both as to style and matter ;* and they repair- ed to Philadelphia at the time appointed. The splendid proceed- ings of that Congress, at their first session, belong to general history, are known to every one, and need not therefore be noted here. They terminated their session on the 26th of October, to meet again on the 10th of May ensuing. The convention, at their ensu- ing session of March '75, approved of the proceedings of Con- gress, thanked their delegates, and reappointed the same persons to represent the colony at the meeting to be held in May : and foreseeing the probability that Peyton Randolph, their president, and speaker also of the House of Burgesses, might be called off, they added me, in that event, to the delegation.

Mr. Randolph was according to expectation obliged to leave the chair of Congress, to attend the General Assembly summoned by Lord Dunmore, to meet on the 1st day of June, 1775. Lord North's conciliatory propositions, as they were called, had been received by the Governor, and furnished tlie subject for which this assembly w^as convened. Mr. Randolph accordingly attended, and the tenor of these propositions being generally known, as having been addressed to all the governors, he was anxious that the an- swer of our Assembly, hkely to be the first, should harmonise with what he knew to be the sentiments and wishes of the body he had recently left. He feared that Mr. Nicholas, whose mind was not yet up to the mark of tlie times, would undertake the answer, and therefore pressed me to prepare it. I did so, and, with his aid, carried it through the House, with long and doubtful scruples from Mr. Nicholas and James Mercer, and a dash of cold water on it here and there, enfeebling it somewhat, but finally with unanimity, or a vote approaching it. This being passed, I repaired imme- diately to Philadelphia, and conveyed to Congress the first notice they had of it. It was entirely approved there. I took my seat with them on the 21st of June. On the 24th, a committee which had been appointed to prepare a declaration of the causes of tak- ing up arms, brought in their report (drawn I believe by J. Rut- ledge) which, not being hked, the House recommitted it, on the 26th, and added Mr. Dickinson and myself to the committee. On the rising of the House, the committee having not yet met, I hap- pened to find myself near Governor W. Livingston, and proposed to him to draw the paper. He excused himself and proposed that I should draw it. On my pressing him with urgency, ' we are as yet but new acquaintances, sir,' said he, ' why are you so earnest for my doing it ?' ' because,' said I, * I have been informed

[* See Appendix, note D,]

9®

that you drew tlie Address to llie people of Great Britain, a production, certainly, of the finest pen in America.' ' On that/ says he, * perhaps, sir, you may not have been correctly informed.' I had received the information in Virginia from Colonel Harrison on his return from that Congress. Lee, Livingston and Jay had been the committee for that draught. The first, prepared by Lee, had been disapproved and recommitted. The second was drawn by Jay, but being presented by Governor Livingston, had led Co- lonel Harrison into the error. The next morning, walking in the hall of Congress, many members being assembled, but the House not yet formed, I observed Mr. Jay, spealdng to R. H. Lee, and leading him by the button of his coat to me. 'I understand, sir,' said he to me, ' that tliis gentleman informed you, that Governor Livingston drew the Address to the people of Great Britain.' I assured him, at once, that I had not received that information from Mr. Lee, and tliat not a word had ever passed on the subject be- tween Mr. Lee and myself; and after some explanations tlie subject was dropped. These gentlemen had had some sparrings in debate before, and continued ever very hostile to each other.

I prepared a draught of the declaration committed to us. It was too strong for Mr. Dickinson. He still retained the hope of reconciliation widi the mother country, and was unwilling it should be lessened by offensive statements. He was so honest a man, and ^o able a one, that he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples. We therefore requested him to take the paper, and put it into a form he could approve. He did so, preparing an entire new statement, and preserving of the former only the last four paragraphs and half of the preceding one. We approved and reported it to Congress, who accepted it. Congress gave a signal proof of their indidgence to Mr. Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second petition to the King according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amend- ment. The disgust against its humility was general; and Mr. Dickinson's delight at its passage was the only circumstance which reconciled them to it. The vote being passed, although further observation on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying ' there is but one word, Mr. President, in the paper which I disapprove, and that is the word Congress ;' on which Ben Harrison rose and said ' diere is but one word in the paper, Mr. President, of which I approve, and that is the word Congress.^

On the 22nd of July, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, R. H. Lee and myself were appointed a committee to consider and report on

VOL. 1. 2

'no

Lord North's conciliatory resolution. The answer of the Virginia Assembly on that subject having been approved, I was requested by the committee to prepare this report, which will account for the similarity of feature in the two instruments.

On the 15th of May, 1776, the convention of Virginia instructed their delegates in Congress, to propose to that body to declare the colonies independent of Great Britain, and appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of rights and plan of government.

*In Congress, Friday, June 7, 1776. The delegates from Vir- ginia moved, in obedience to instructions from their constituents, tliat the Congress should declare that these United colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all po- litical connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; that measures should be imme- diately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a Confederation be formed to bind tiie colonies more closely to- gether.

The House being obliged to attend at that time to some other business, the proposition was referred to the next day, when the members were ordered to attend punctually at ten o'clock.

Saturday, June 8. They proceeded to take it into considera- tion, and referred it to a committee of the whole, into which they immediately resolved themselves, and passed that day and Monday tlie 10th in debating on the subject.

It was argued by Wilson, Robert R. Livingston, E. Rutledge, Dickinson and others —

That, though they were friends to tlie measures themselves, and saw the impossibility that we should ever again be united with Great Britain, yet they were against adopting them at this time :

That the conduct we had formerly observed was wise and pro- per now, of deferring to take any capital step till the voice of the people drove us into it :

That they were our power, and without them our declarations could not be carried into effect :

That the people of the middle colonies (Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, the Jerseys and New York) were not yet ripe for bidding adieu to British connection, but that they were fast ripen- ing, and, in a short time, would join in tlie general voice of America :

[* Here, in the original manuscript, commence the ' two preccdin^yr sheets' referred to by Mr. Jefferson, page 20, as containing ' notes' taken by him ' whilst these things were going on.' They are easily distinguished from the body of the MS. in which they were inserted by him, being of a paper very different in size, quality and color, from that on which the latter is written.]

#

That the resolution, entered into by this House on the 15th of May, for suppressing the exercise of all powers derived from the crown, had shewn, by the ferment into which it had thrown these middle colonies, that they had not yet accommodated tlieir minds to a separation from the mother country :

That some of them had expressly forbidden their delegates to consent to. such a declaration, and others had given no instructions, and consequently no powers to give such consent :

That if the delegates of any particular colony had no power to declare such colony independent, certain they were, the others could not declare it for them ; the colonies being as yet perfectly independent of each other :

That the assembly of Pennsylvania was now sitting above stairs, their convention would sit within a few days, the convention of New York was now sitting, andtliose of the Jerseys and Delaware counties would meet on the Monday following, and it was probable these bodies would take up the question of Independence, and would declare to their delegates the voice of their state :

That if such a declaration should now be agreed to, these de- legates must retire, and possibly their colonies might secede from the Union :

That such a secession would weaken us more than could be compensated by any foreign alliance :

That in the event of such a division, foreign powers would either refuse to join themselves to our fortunes, or, having us so much in their power as that desperate declaration would place us, they would insist on terms proportionably more hard and preju- dicial :

That we had little reason to expect an alliance with those to whom alone, as yet, we had cast our eyes :

That France and Spain had reason to be jealous of that rising power, which would one day certainly strip them of all their Ame- rican possesions :

That it was more likely they should form a connection witli the British court, who, if they should find themselves unable otherwise to extricate themselves from their difficulties, would agree to a par- tition of our territories, restoring Canada to France, and the Flori- das to Spain, to accomplish for themselves a recovery of these colonies :

That it would not be long before we should receive certain in- formation of the disposition of the French court, from the agent whom we had sent to Paris for that purpose :

That if this disposition should be favorable, by waiting the event of the present campaign, which we all hoped would be success- ful, w^e should have reason to expect an alliance on better terms :

12

That this would in fact work no delay of any effectual aid from such ally, as, from the advance of the season and distance of our situation, it was impossible we could receive any assistance during this campaign :

That it was prudent to fix among ourselves the terms on which we would form alliance, before we declared we would form one at all events :

And that if these were agreed on, and our Declaration of Inde- pendence ready by the time our Ambassador should be prepared to sail, it would be as well, as to go into tliat Declaration at tliis day.

On the other side, it was urged by J. Adams, Lee, Wytlie and others, that no gentleman had argued against the policy or the right of separation from Britain, nor had supposed it possible we should ever renew our connection ; that they had only opposed its being now declared :

That the question was not whether, by a Declaration of Inde- pendence, we should make ourselves what we are not ; but whether we should declare a fact which already exists :

That, as to the people or parliament of England, we had always been independent of them, their restraints on our trade deriving efficacy from our acquiescence only, and not from any rights they possessed of imposing them, and that so far, our connection had been federal only, and was now dissolved by the commencement of hostilities :

That, as to the King, we had been bound to him by allegiance, but that this bond was now dissolved by his assent to the late act of parliament, by which he declares us out of his protection, and by his levying war on us, a fact which had long ago proved us out of his protection ; it being a certain position in law, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal, the one ceasing when the otlier is witli drawn :

That James the II. never declared the people of England out of his protection, yet his actions proved it and the parliament de- clared it :

No delegates then can be denied, or ever want, a power of declaring an existent truth :

That the delegates from the Delaware coimties having declared their constituents ready to join, there are only two colonies, Penn- sylvania and Maryland, whose delegates are absolutely tied up, and that these had, by their instructions, only reserved a right of con- firming or rejecting the measure :

That the instructions from Pennsylvania might be accounted for from the times in which they were drawn, near a twelvemonth ago, since which the face of affairs has totally changed :

That witliin that time, it had become apparent that Britain was determined to accept nothing less than a carte-blanche, and that the King's answer to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council of London, which had come to hand four days ago, must have satisfied every one of tliis point :

That the people wait for us to lead the way :

That they are in favour of the measure, though the instructions given by some of their representatives are not :

That the voice of the representatives is not always consonant with the voice of the people, and that this is remarkably the case in these middle colonies :

That the effect of the resolution of the 1 5th of May has proved this, which, raising the murmurs of some in the colonies of Penn- sylvania and Maryland, called forth the opposing voice of the freer part of the people, and proved them to be the majority even in tliese colonies :

That the backwardness of these two colonies might be ascribed, partly to the influence of proprietary power and connections, and partly, to their having not yet been attacked by the enemy :

That these causes were not likely to be soon removed, as there seemed no probability that the enemy would make either of these the seat of this summer's war :

That it would be vain to wait either weeks or months for perfect unanimity, since it was impossible that all men should ever become of one sentiment on any question :

That the conduct of some colonies, from the beginning of tliis contest, had given reason to suspect it was their settled policy to keep m the rear of the confederacy, that their particular prospect might be better, even in the worst event :

That, therefore, it was necessary for those colonies who had thrown themselves forward and hazarded all from the beginning, to come forward now also, and put all again to their own hazard :

That the history of the Dutch revolution, of whom three states only confederated at first, proved that a secession of some colo- nies would not be so dangerous as some apprehended :

That a declaration of Independence alone could render it con- sistent with European delicacy, for European powers to treat widi us, or even to receive an Ambassador from us :

That till this, they would not receive our vessels into their ports, nor acknowledge the adjudications of our courts of admiralty to be legitimate, in cases of capture of British vessels :

That though France and Spain may be jealous of our rising power, they must think it will be much more formidable with the addition of Great Britain ; and will therefore see it their interest

14

to prevent a coalition ; but should tliey refuse, we shall be but where we are ; whereas without trying, we shall never know whe- ther they will aid us or not :

That the present campaign may be unsuccessful, and therefore we had better propose an alliance while our affairs wear a hopeful aspect :

That to wait the event of this campaign will certainly work de- lay, because, during this summer, France may assist us effectually, by cutting off those supplies of provisions from England and Ireland, on which the enemy's armies here are to depend ; or by setting in motion the great power they have collected in the West Indies, and calling our enemy to tlie defence of the possessions they have there :

That it would be idle to lose time in settling the terms of alli- ance, till we had first determined we would enter into alliance :

That it is necessary to lose no time in opening a trade for our people, who will want clothes, and will want money too, for the payment of taxes :

And that the only misfortune is, that we did not enter into alli- ance v/ith France six months sooner, as, besides opening her ports for the vent of our last year's produce, she might have marched an army into Germany, and prevented the petty princes there, from selling their unhappy subjects to subdue us.

It appearing in the course of these debates, that the colonies of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July 1st : but, that this might occasion as litde delay as possible, a committee was appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. The committee were John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston, and myself. Committees were also appointed, at the same time, to prepare a plan of con- federation for the colonies, and to state the terms proper to be proposed for foreign alliance. The committee for drawing the Declaration oi Independence, desired me to do it. It was accord- ingly done, and being approved by them, I reported it to the House on Friday, the 28th of June, when it was read and ordered to lie on the table. On Monday, the 1st of July, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and resumed the consideration of the original motion made by the delegates of Virginia, which, being again debated through the day, was carried in the affirma- tive by the votes of New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina

15

and Georgia. South Carolina and Pennsylvania voted against it. Delaware had but two members present, and they were divided. The delegates from New York declared they were for it them- selves, and were assured their constituents were for it ; but that tlieir instructions having been drawn near a twelvemonth before, when reconciliation was still the general object, they were enjoined by them to do nothing which should impede tliat object. They therefore thought themselves not justifiable in voting on eitlier side, and asked leave to withdraw from the question ; which was given them. The committee rose and reported their resolution to the House. Mr. Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, then request- ed the determination might be put off to the next day, as he be- lieved his colleagues, though they disapproved of the resolution, would then join in it for the sake of unanimity^ The ultimate question, whether the House would agree to the resolution of the committee, was accordingly postponed to the next day, when it was again moved, and South Carolina concurred in voting for it. In tlie mean time, a third member had come post from the Delaware counties, and turned the vote of that colony in favor of the reso- lution. Members of a different sentiment attending that morning from Pennsylvania also^ her vote was changed, so that the whole twelve colonies who were autliorised to vote at all, gave their voices for it ; and, within a few days,* the convention of New York approved of it, and thus supplied the void occasioned by tlie withdrawing of her delegates from the vote.

Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration of Independence, which had been reported and laid on the table tlie Friday preceding, and on Monday referred to a committee of die whole. The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, •still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those passages which conveyed censures on die peo- ple of England were struck out, lest tliey should give them offence. The clause too, reprobating the enslaving die inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, sdll wished to condnue it. Our northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little tender under those censures ; for though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others. The debates having taken up the greater parts of die 2nd, 3rd, and 4th days of July, were, on the evening of the last, closed ; the Decla- ration was reported by the committee, agreed to by die House, and

* July 9.

16

signed by every member present, except Mr. Dickinson. As the sentiments of men are known not only by what they receive, but w^hat they reject also, 1 will state the form of the Declaration as originally reported. The parts struck out by Congress shall be dis- tinguished by a black line drawn under them ;* and diose inserted by them shall be placed in the margin, or in a concurrent column.

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of Ame- rica, in General Congress assembled.

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve tlie polidcal bands which have connected them with another, and to as- sume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of na- ture's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opin- ions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separadon.

We hold these truths to be self evident : that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by certain their Creator with [inherent ami] inalienable rights ;

that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on ' such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for hght and transient causes ; and accordingly all ex- perience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufFerable, than to right them- selves by abolishing the forms to which they are ac- customed. But when a long train of abuses and usur- pations \hegun at a distinguished period and\ pursu- ing invariably the same object, evinces a design to re- duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off" such governrfient, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such

[* In this publicatioiij the parts struck out are printed in Italics and in- Kjlosed in brackets.]

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has been the patient siifFerancc of these colonies ; and such is now tlie necessity which constrains them to {^eccjmnge] their former systems of government. The alter history of the present king of Great Britain is a his- tory of [iin7'emiitmg] injuries and usurpations, [^cimong repeated which appears no solitary fact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest, but all have^ in direct object the nii ijavinj? establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world r/br the truth of which ive pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood,~\

He has refused his assent to laws the most whole- some and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of im- mediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accom- modation of large districts of people, unless those peo- ple would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the deposi- tory of their public records, for the sole purpose of ' fatiguing tliem into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly [and continually^ for opposing witli manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time after such dissolur lions to cause others to be elected, whereby the legis- lative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for dieir exercise, the state re- maining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from witliout aqd convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the con- ditions of new appropriations of lands.

He has [suffered'] the administration of justice [to- obstructed tally to cease in some of these states] refusing his as- i.y sent to laws for establishing judiciary powers*

TOL. I. 3

18

in many cases

colonies

by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.

scarcely pa- ralleled in the most barba- rous ages and totally

He has made [owr] judges dependant on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new offices, [by a self-assumed power] and sent hither swarms of new officers to harrass our people and eat out their sub- stance.

He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies \_and ships of war] without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a ju- risdiction foreign to our constitutions and unacknow- ledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for protecting them by a mock trial from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states ; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; for imposing taxes on us without our consent ; for de- priving us [ ] of the benefits of trial by jury ; for trans- porting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended of- fences ; for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an ar- bitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Instates] ; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments ; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here [withdrawing his governors, and declaring us out of his allegiance and protection.]

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns and destroyed the lives of our peo- ple.

He is at this time transporting large armies of fo- reign mercenaries to complete the works of death, de- solation and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cruelty knd perfidy [ ] unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

19

He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become fie executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has f 1 endeavored to brine; on the inhabitants excited do

P f ' 1 •! T V 1 mestic inaur-

01 our irontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose rections known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc- S""^ "^' "" tion of all ages, sexes and conditions [q/* existence.~\

[iie has incited treasonable insurrections of our fel- low citizens f with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property.

He has waged cruel war against human nature it- self violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN king of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of hor- rors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also ob- truded them : thu^ paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he xirges them to commit against the lives of another.']

In every stage of these oppressions we have peti- tioned for redress in the most humble terms : our re- peated petitions have been answered only by repeated injuries.

A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a [] people \who mean to be free. Future ages will free scarcely believe that the hardiness of one man adven- tured, within the short compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in principles of freedom.]

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time

20

anMnwarrani- to time of attempts by their legislature to extend [a] is jurisdiction over [the^e our states^. We have re-

minded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, [iio one of which could warrant so strange a pretension : that these were effected at the expence of our oivn blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain : that in constituting indeed our several forms of govern- ment, we had adopted one common king, thereby lay- ing a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them : but that submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if have history may be credited : and,^ we [ ] appealed to

and we have their native justice and magnanimity [ff5 well as to~\ conjure em ^^ ^^^ ^^ our common kindred to disavow these wouM iiievi- ugurpations which [were likely to'] interrupt our con- nection and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity, [and when occasions have been given them, by the re- gular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have, by their free election, re-established them in power. At this very time too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our com- mon blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries to in- vade and destroy us. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce for ever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We might have been a free and a great people together ; but a communication of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity. Be it so, since they will have it. The road to happiness and to glory is open to us too. We will tread it apart from them, and ] acquiesce in the th?re"?ore neccssity which denounces our [eternal] separa-

and hold them tion [ 1 ! as we hold the rest of man- kind, enemies in war, in peace friends.

21

We therefore the representa- tives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled, do in the name, and by the authority of the good peo- ple of these [^states reject and renounce all allegiance and sub- jection to the kings of Great Britain and all others who may hereafter claim by, through or under them; we utterly dissolve all political connection which may heretofore have subsisted between iM and the people or parliament of Great Britain : and finally we do assert and declare these colonies to be free and indepen- dent states,'] and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, esta- lish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which inde- pendent states may of right do.

And for the support of this declaration, we mutually pledge to each oriier our lives, our for- tunes, and our sacred honour.

We therefore the representa- tives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled, appealing to the su- preme judge of the world for tlie rectitude of our intentions, do in the name, and by the au- thority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, diat tliese united colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political con- nection between tliem and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, con tract alliances, establish com- merce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do.

And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine pro- vidence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our for- tunes, and our sacred honour.

The Declaration thus signed on the 4th, on paper, was engrossed on parchment, and signed again on the 2nd of August.

[Some erroneous statements of the proceedings on the Declara- tion of Independence having got before tlie public in latter times, Mr. Samuel A. Wells asked explanations of me, which are given in my letter to him of May 12, '19, before and now again referred to.* I took notes in my place while these tilings were going on, and at their close wrote them out in form and with correctness, and from 1 to 7 of the two preceding sheets, are the originals then

[* Sec Appendix, note B.]

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written ; as the two following are of the earlier debates on the Cofederation, which I took in like manner.*]

On Friday, July 12, the committee appointed to draw the arti- cles of Confederation reported them, and, on the 22nd, the House resolved themselves into a committee to take them into considera- tion. On the 30th and 31st of that month, and 1st of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined the proportion, or quota, of money which each state should furnish to the common treasury, and the manner of voting in Congress. The first of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these words. * Art. XI. All charges of war and all other expences that shall be incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by the United States assembled, shall be defrayed out of a com- mon treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality, except Indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true ac- count of which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be trien- nially taken and transmitted to the Assembly of the United States.'

Mr. Chase moved that the quotas should be fixed, not by the number of inhabitants of every condition, but by that of the ' white inhabitants.' He admitted that taxation should be always in pro- portion to property, that this was, in theory, the true rule ; but that, from a variety of difficulties, it was a rule which could never be adopted in practice. The value of the property in every state, could never be estimated justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the state must therefore be devised, some stan- dard referred to, which would be more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. He therefore thought it the best mode which we could adopt, with one exception only : he observed that negroes are property, and as such, cannot be dis- tinguished from the lands or personalities held in those states where there are few slaves ; that the surplus of profit which a Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, Sic, whereas a Southern farmer lays out the same surplus in slaves. There is no more reason therefore for taxing the Southern states on the farmer's head, and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on their farmer's heads and the heads of their cattle : that the

[i The above note of the author is on a slip of paper, pasted in at the end of the Declaration, Here is also sewed into the MS. a slip of newspaper containing, under the head ' Declaration of Independence,' a lettei from Thomas M'Kean to Messrs. William M'Corkle & Son, dated ' Philadelphia, June 16, 1817.' This letter is to be found in the Port Folio, Sept. 1817, p. 249.]

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method proposed would, therefore, tax the Southern states accord- ing to their numbers and their wealth conjunctly, while the NorUi- ern would be taxed on numbers only : that negroes, in fact, should not be considered as members of the state, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it.

Mr. John Adams observed, that the numbers of people were taken by this article, as an index of the wealth of the state, and not as subjects of taxation ; that, as to this matter, it was of no consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or of slaves ; that in some countries the laboring poor were called freemen, in others they were called slaves ; but that the difference as to the state was imaginary only. What mat- ters it whether a landlord employing ten lajjorers on his farm, gives them annually as much money as will buy them the neces- saries of life, or gives them those necessaries at short hand ? The ten labourers add as much wealth annually to the state, increase its exports as much, in the one case as the other. Certainly five hun- dred freemen produce no more profits, no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves. Therefore the state in which are the laborers called freemen, should be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. Suppose, by an ex- traordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the laborers of a state could in the course of one night be transformed into slaves : would the state be made the poorer or the less able to pay taxes ? That the condition of the laboring poor in most countries, that of the fishermen particularly of the Northern states, is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of laborers which produces the surplus for taxation, and numbers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth ; that it is the use of the word ' property' here, and its application to some of the people of the state, which produces the fallacy. How does the Southern farmer procure slaves ? Either by importation or by purchase from his neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay taxes ; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a la- borer from one farm to another, which does not change the annual produce of the state, and therefore should not change its tax : that if a Northern farmer works ten laborers on liis farm, he can, it is true, invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle ; but so may the Southern farmer, working ten slaves ; that a state of one hun- dred thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle, tlian one of one hundred thousand slaves. Therefore, they have no more of that kind of property ; that a slave may indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly called the wealth of his master, than

24

the free laborer might be called the wealth of his employer : but as to the state, both were equally its wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax.

Mr. Harrison proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves should be counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do as much work as freemen, and doubted if two effected more than one ; that tliis was proved by the price of labor ; the hire of a la- borer in the Southern colonies being from 8 to £12, while in the Northern it was generally £24.

Mr. Wilson said, that if this amendment should take place, the Southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves, whilst the Northern ones would bear the burthen : that slaves increase the profits of a state, which the Southern states mean to take to them- selves ; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which would of course fall so much tiie heavier on the Nortliern : that slaves oc- cupy tlie places of freemen and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take their places. It is our duty to lay every dis- couragement on the importation of slaves ; but this amendment would give the jus trium liherorum to him who would import slaves : that other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all the colonies : there were as many cattle, horses and sheep, in the North as the South, and South as the North ; but not so as to slaves : that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whe- ther they be black or white : and the practice of the Southern co- lonies has always been to make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they be black or white. He acknow- ledges indeed, that freemen work the most ; but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so expensively as a freeman. Again, white women are exempted from labor generally, but negro women are not. In this then the Southern states have an advan- tage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been said that slavery is necessary, because the commodities they raise would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen : but now it is said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.

Mr. Payne urged the original resolution of Congress, to propor- tion the quotas of the states to tlie number of souls.

Dr. Witherspoon was of opinion, that the value of lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true baro- meter of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal between the states. It has been objected that negroes eat the food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed ; horses

25

also eat the food of freemen ; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the state is to pay, we do no more than those states them- selves do, who always take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay. But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern colonies slaves pervade the whole colony ; but they do not pervade the whole continent. That as to the original resolution of Congress, to proportion the quotas according to the souls, it was temporary only, and related to the monies heretofore emitted : whereas we are now entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.

August 1 . The question being put, the amendment proposed was rejected by the votes of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Penn- sylvania, against those of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina. Georgia was divided.

The other article was in these words. * Art. XVII. In deter- mining questions, each colony shall have one vote.'

July 30, 31, August 1. Present forty-one members. Mr. Chase observed that this article was the most likely to divide us, of any one proposed in the draught then under consideration : that the lai'ger colonies had threatened they would not confederate at all, if their weight in Congress should not be equal to the numbers of people they added to the confederacy ; while the smaller ones declared against a union, if they did not retain an equal vote for the protection of their rights. That it was of the utmost consequence to bring the parties together, as should we sever from each other, either no foreign power will ally with us at all, or the different states will form different alliances, and thus increase the horrors of those scenes of civil war and bloodshed, which in such a state of sepa- ration and independence, would render us a miserable people. That our importance, our interests, our peace required that we should confederate, and that mutual sacrifices should be made to effect a compromise of this difficult question. He was of opinion, the smaller colonies would lose their rights, if they were not in some instances allowed an equal vote ; and, therefore, that a discrimina- tiorf should take place among the questions which would come be- fore Congress. That the smaller states should be secured in all questions concerning life or liberty, and the greater ones, in all re- specting property. He therefore proposed, that in votes relating to money, the voice of each colony should be proportioned to the number of its inhabitants.

Dr. Franklin thought, that the votes should be so proportioned in all cases. He took notice that the Delaware counties had bound VOL. !. 4

26

up their delegates to disagree to this article. He thought it a very extraordinary language to be held by any state, that they would not confederate with us, unless we would let them dispose of our money. Certainly, if we vote equally, we ought to pay equally ; but the smaller states will hardly purchase the privilege at this price. That had he lived in a state where the representation, origi- nally equal, had become unequal by time and accident, he might have submitted rather than disturb government : but that we should be very wrong to set out in this practice, when it is in our power to establish what is right. That at the time of the Union between England and Scotland, the latter had made the objection which the smaller states now do ; but experience had proved that no unfair- ness had ever been shewn them : that their advocates had prognos- ticated that it would again happen, as in times of old, that the whale would swallow Jonas, but he thought the prediction reversed in event, and that Jonas had swallowed the whale ; for the Scotch had in fact got possession of the government, and gave laws to tlie English. He reprobated the original agreement of Congress to vote by colonies, and, therefore, was for their voting, in all cases, according to the number of taxables.

Dr. Witherspoon opposed every alteration of the article. All men admit that a confederacy is necessary. Should the idea get abroad that there is likely to be no union among us, it will damp the minds of the people, diminish the glory of our struggle, and lessen its importance ; because it will open to our view future pros- pects of war and dissension among ourselves. If an equal vote be refused, the smaller states will become vassals to the larger ; and all experience has shewn that the vassals and subjects of free states are the most enslaved. He instanced the Helots of Sparta, and the provinces of Rome. He observed that foreign powers, discovering this blemish, would make it a handle for disengaging the smaller states from so unequal a confederacy. That the colonies should in fact be considered as individuals ; and that, as such, in all disputes, they should have an equal vote ; that they are nov/ collected as individuals making a bargain with each other, and, of course, had a right to vote as individuals. That in the East India Company they voted by persons, and not by their proportion of stock. That the Belgic confederacy voted by provinces. That in questions of war the smaller states were as much interested as the larger, and therefore, should vote equally ; and indeed, that the larger states were more likely to bring war on the confederacy, in proportion as their frontier was more extensive. He admitted that equality of representation was an excellent principle, but then it must be of things which are co-ordinate ; that is, of things simi-

27

lar, and of the same nature : that nothing relating to individuals could ever come before Congress ; nothing but what would re- spect colonies. He distinguished between an incorporating and a federal union. The union of England was an incorporating one ; yet Scotland had suffered by diat union ; for that its inhabitants were drawn from it by the hopes of places and employments : nor was it an instance of equality of representation ; because, while Scodand was allowed nearly a thirteenth of representation, they were to pay only one fortieth of the land tax. He expressed his hopes, that in the present enlightened state of men's minds, we might expect a lasting confederacy, if it was founded on fair prin- ciples.

John Adams advocated the voting in proportion to numbers. He said that we stand here as the representatives of the people : that in some states the people are, many, in others diey are few ; that therefore, their vote here should be proportioned to the num- bers from whom it comes. Reason, justice and equity never had weight enough on tlie face of the earth, to govern the councils of men. It is interest alone which does it, and it is interest alone which can be trusted : that therefore the interests, within doors, should be the mathematical representatives of the interests without doors : that the individuality of the colonies is a mere sound. Does the individuality of a colony increase its wealth or numbers ? If it does, pay equally. If it (Joes not add weight in the scale of the confederacy, it cannot add to their rights, nor weigh in argument. A. has £50, B. £500, C. £1000, in partnership. Is it just diey should equally dispose of the monies of the partnership ? It has been said, we are independent individuals making a bargain To- gether. The question is not what we are now, but what we ought to be when our bargain shall be made. . The confederacy is to make us one individual only ; it is to form us like separate parcels of metal, into one common mass. We shall no longer retain our separate individuality, but become a single individual as to all questions submkted to the confederacy. Therefore all those rea- sons which pro% the justice and expediency of equal representa- tion in other assemblies, hold good here. It has been objected that a proportional vote will endanger the smaller states. We an- swer that an equal vote will endanger the larger. Virginia, Penn- sylvania, and Massachusetts, are the three greater colonies. Con- sider their distance, their difference of produce, of interests, and of manners, and it is apparent they can never have an interest or in- clination to combine for the oppression of the smaller : that the smaller will naturally divide on all questions with the larger. Rhode Island, from its relation, similarity and intercourse, will generally

28

pursue the same objects with Massachusetts; Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland, with Pennsylvania.

Dr. Rush took notice, that the decay of the liberties of the Dutch republic proceeded from three causes. 1 . The perfect una- nimity requisite on all occasions. 2. Their obligation to consult their constituents. 3. Their voting by provinces. This last de- stroyed tlie equality of representation, and the liberties of Great Britain also, are sinking from the same defect. That a part of our rights is deposited in the hands of our legislatures. There, it was admitted, there should be an equality of representation. An- other part of our rights is deposited in the hands of Congress : why is it not equally necessary there should be an equal representa- tion there ? Were it possible to collect the whole body of the people together, they would determine the questions submitted to them by their majority. Why should not the same majority decide when voting here, by their representatives ? The larger colonies are so providentially divided in situation, as to render every fear of their combining visionary. Their interests are different, and their cir- cumstances dissimilar. It is more probable they will become ri- vals, and leave it in the power of the smaller states to give prepon- derance to any scale they please. The voting by the number of free inhabitants, will have one excellent effect, tliat of inducing the colonies to discourage slavery, and to encourage the increase of their free inhabitants.

Mr. Hopkins observed, there were four larger, four smaller, and four middle sized colonies. That the four largest would contain more than half the inhabitants of the confederating states, and therefore would govern the others as they should please. That his- tory affords no instance of such a thing as equal representation. The Germanic body votes by states. The Helvetic body does the same ; and so does the Belgic confederacy. That too little is known of the antient confederations, to say what was their practice.

Mr. Wilson thought, that taxation should be in proportion to wealth, but that representation should accord \^h the number of freemen. That government is a collection or r^lt of the wills of all : that if any government could speak the will of all, it would be perfect ; and that, so far as it departs from this, it becomes im- perfect. It has been said that Congress is a representation of states, not of individuals. I say, that the objects of its care are all the individuals of the states. It is strange that annexing the name of * State' to ten thousand men, should give them an equal right with forty thousand. This must be the effect of magic, not of rea- son. As to those matters which are referred to Congress, we are not so many states ; we are one large state. We lay aside our in-

29

dividualily, whenever we come here. The Germanic body is a burlesque on government : and their practice, on any point, is a sufficient authority and proof that it is wrong. The greatest im- perfection in the constitution of the Belgic confederacy, is their voting by provinces. The interest of the whole is constantly sac- rificed to that of the small states. The history of the war in the reign of Queen Anne, sufficiently proves this. It is asked, shall nine colonies put it into the power of four, to govern them as they please ? I invert the question, and ask, shall two millions of people put it in the power of one million, to govern them as they please ? It is pretended, too, that the smaller colonies will be in danger from the greater. Speak in honest language and say, the minority will be in danger from the majority. And is there an assembly on eaith, where this danger may not be equally pretended ? The trutli is, tliat our proceedings will then be consentaneous with the in- terests of the majority, and so they ought to be. The probability is much greater, that the larger states will disagree, than that they will combine. I defy the wit of man to invent a possible case, or to suggest any one thing on earth, which shall be for the interests of Virginia, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, and which will not also be for the interest of the other states.^

These articles, reported July 12, '76, were debated from day to day, and time to time, for two years, were ratified July 9, '78, by ten slates, by New-Jersey on the 26th of November of the same year, and by Delaware on the 23rd of February following. Mary- land alone held off two years more, acceding to them March 1, '81, and thus closing the obligation.

Our delegation had been renewed for the ensuing year, com- mencing August 11 ; but the new government was now organized, a meeting of the legislature was to be held in October, and I had been elected a member by my county. I knew that our legisla- tion, under the regal government, had many very vicious points which urgently required reformation, and I thought I could be of more use in forwarding that work. I therefore retired from my seat in Congress on the 2nd of September, resigned it, and took my place in the legislature of my state, on the 7th of October.

On the 11th, I moved for leave to bring in a bill for the establish- ment of courts of justice, the organization of which was of impor- tance. I drew the bill ; it was approved by the committee, re- ported and passed, after going through its due course.

On tlie 12th, I obtained leave to bring in a bill declaring te-

* Here terminate the author's notes of the ' earlier debates on tlje confede- ration,' and recommences the MS, begun by him in 1821.

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nants in tail to hold their lands in fee simple. In the earlier times of the colony, when lands were to be obtained for little or nothing, some provident individuals procured large grants ; and, desirous of founding great families for themselves, settled them on their de- scendants in fee tail. The transmission of this property from ge- neration to generation, in the same name, raised up a distinct set of families, who, being privileged by law in the perpetuation of their wealth, were thus formed into a Patrician order, distinguish- ed by the splendor and luxury of their establishments. From this order, too, the king habitually selected his Counsellors of state ; the hope of which distinction devoted the whole corps to the inte- rests and will of the crown. To annul this privilege, and instead of an aristocracy of wealth, of more harm and danger, than benefit, to society, to make an opening for the aristocracy of virtue and talent, which nature has wisely provided for the direction of the interests of society, and scattered with equal hand through all its conditions, was deemed essential to a well ordered republic. To effect it, no violence was necessary, no deprivation of natural right, but rather an enlargement of it by a repeal of the law. For this would authorize the present holder to divide the property among his children equally, as his afiections were divided ; and would place them, by natural generation, on the level of their fellow citi- zens. But this repeal was strongly opposed by Mr. Pendleton, who was zealously attached to antient estabhshments ; and who, taken all in all, was the ablest man in debate I have ever met with. He had not indeed the poetical fancy of Mr. Henry, his sublime imagination, his lofty and overwhelming diction ; but he was cool, smooth and persuasive ; his language flowing, chaste and embel- lished ; his conceptions quick, acute and full of resource ; never vanquished ; for if he lost the main battle, he returned upon you, and regained so much of it as to make it a drawn one, by dexter- ous maneuvres, skirmishes in detail, and the recovery of small advantages which, little singly, were important all together. You never knew when you were clear of him, but were harrassed by his perseverance, until the patience was worn down of all who had less of it than himself. Add to this, that he was one of the most virtuous and benevolent of men, the kindest friend, the most ami- able and pleasant of companions, which ensured a favorable re- ception to whatever came from him. Finding that the general principle of entails could not be maintained, he took his stand on an amendment which he proposed, instead of an absolute abolition, to permit the tenant in tail to convey in fee simple, if he chose it : and he was within a few votes of saving so much of the old law. But the bill passed finally for etkpre abolition.

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In that one of the bills for organizing our judiciary system, which proposed a court of Chancery, I had provided for a trial by jury of all matters of fact, in that as well as in the courts of law. He de- feated it by the introduction of four words only, ' if either party choose.^ The consequence has been, that as no suitor will say to his judge ' Sir, I distrust you, give me a jury,' juries are rarely, I might say perhaps never, seen in that court, but when called for by the Chancellor of his own accord.

The first establishment in Virginia which became permanent, was made in 1607. I have found no mention of negroes in the colony until about 1650. The first brought here as slaves were by a Dutch ship ; after which the English commenced the trade, and continued it until the revolutionary war. That suspended, ipso facto, their further importation for the present, and the busi- ness of tlie war pressing constantly on the legislature, this subject was not acted on finally until the year '78, when I brought in a bill to prevent their further importation. This passed without oppo- sition, and stopped the increase of the evil by importation, leaving to future efforts its final eradication.

The first settlers of this colony were Englishmen, loyal subjects to their king and church, and the grant to Sir Walter Raleigh con- tained an express proviso that their laws ' should not be against the true Christian faith, now professed in the church of England.' As soon as the state of the colony admitted, it was divided into pa- rishes, in each of which was established a minister of the Anglican church, endowed with a fixed salary, in tobacco, a glebe house and land with the odier necessary appendages. To meet these expen- ses, all the inhabitants of the parishes were assessed, whether they were or not, members of the established church. Towards Qua- kers who came here, they were most cruelly intolerant, driving them from the colony by the severest penalties. In process of time, however, other sectarisms were introduced, chiefly of the Presbyterian family ; and the estabhshed clergy, secure for life in their glebes and salaries, adding to diese, generally, the emoluments of a classical school, found employment enough, in their farms and school rooms, for the rest of the week, and devoted Sunday only to the edification of their flock, by service, and a sermon at their parish church. Their other pastoral functions were little attended to. Against this inactivity, the zeal and industry of sectarian preachers had an open and undisputed field ; and by the time of the revolution, a majority of the inhabitalits had become dissenters from the established church, but were still obliged to pay contribu- tions to support die pastors of the minority. This unrighteous compulsion, to maintain teachers ofwtiat they deemed religious er-

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rors, was greviously felt during the regal government, and without a hope of relief. But the first republican legislature, which met in '76, was crowded with petitions to abolish this spiritual tyranny. These brought on die severest contests in which I have ever been engaged. Our great opponents were Mr. Pendleton and Robert Carter Nicholas ; honest men, but zealous churchmen. The pe- titions were referred to the committee of the whole house on the state of the country ; and, after desperate contests in that com- mittee, almost daily from the 11th of October to the 5th of De- cember, we prevailed so far only, as to repeal the laws which ren- dered criminal the maintenance of any religious opinions, the for- bearance of repairing to church, or the exercise of any mode of worship : and furtlier, to exempt dissenters from contributions to the support of the established church ; and to suspend, only until the next session, levies on the members of that church for the sa- laries of their own incumbents. For although the majority of our citizens were dissenters, as has been observed, a majority of the le- gislature were churchmen. Among these, however, were some reasonable and liberal men, who enabled us, on some points, to ob- tain feeble majorities. But our opponents carried, in the general resolutions of the committee of November 19, a declaration that re- ligious assemblies ought to be regulated, and that provision ought to be made for continuing the succession of the clergy, and super- intending their conduct. And, in the bill now passed, was inserted an express reservation of the question, Whether a general assess- ment should not be established by law, on every one, to the support of the pastor of his choice ; or whether all should be left to volun- tary contributions : and on this question, debated at every session from '76 to '79, (some of our dissenting allies, having now secured their particular object, going over to the advocates of a general as- sessment,) we could only obtain a suspension from session to ses- sion until '79, when the question against a general assessment was finally carried, and the establishment of the Anglican church entirely put down. In justice to the two honest but zealous opponents, who have been named, I must add that although, from their natural temperaments, they were more disposed generally to acquiesce in things as they are, than to risk innovations, yet whenever the public will had once decided, none were more faithful or exact in their obedience to it.

The seat of our government had been originally fixed in the pe- ninsula of Jamestown, the first settlement of the colonists ; and had been afterwards removed a few miles inland to Williamsburg. But this was at a time when our settlements had not extended beyond the tide waters. * Now they had crossed the Alleganey ; and the

33 S. e. •

centre of population was very far removed from what it had been. Yet Williamsburg was still the depository of our archives, the ha- bitual residence of the Governor and many otlier of the public func- tionaries, the established place for the sessions of the legislature, and the magazine of our military stores : and its situation was so ex- posed that it might be taken at any time in war, and, at this time particularly, an enemy might in the night run up either of the rivers, between which it lies, land a force above, and take possession of the place, without the possibility of saving either persons or things. I had proposed* its removal so early as October '76 ; but it did not prevail until the session of May, '79.

Early in the session of May, '79, 1 prepared, and obtained leave to bring in a bill, declaring who should be deemed citizens, assert- ing the natural right of expatriation, and prescribing the mode of exercising it. This, when I withdrew from the house on the 1st of June following, I left in the hands of George Mason, and it was passed on the 26th of that month.

In giving this account of the laws of which 1 was myself the mover and draughtsman, I, by no means, mean to claim to myself the merit of obtaining their passage. I had many occasional and strenuous coadjutors in debate, and one, most steadfast, able and zealous ; who was himself a host. This was George Mason, a man of the first order of wisdom among those who acted on the theatre of the revolution, of expansive mind, profound judgment, cogent in argument, learned in die lore of our former constitution, and earnest for the republican change on democratic principles. His elocution was neither flowing nor smooth ; but his language was strong, his manner most impressive, and strengthened by a dash of biting cynicism, when provocation made it seasonable.

Mr. Wythe, while speaker in the two sessions of 1777, between his return from Congress and his appointment to the Chancery, was an able and constant associate in whatever was before a committee of the whole. His pure integrity, judgment and reasoning powers, gave him great weight. Of him, see more in some notes inclosed in my letter of August 31, 1821, to Mr. John Saunderson.*

Mr. Madison came into the House in 1776, a new member and young ; which circumstances, concurring with his extreme modesty, prevented his venturing himself in debate before his removal to the Council of State, in November '77. From thence he went to Con- gress, then consisting of few members. Trained in these succes- sive schools, he acquired a habit of self-possession, which placed at ready command the rich resources of his luminous and discrimi-

[* See Appendix, note A.] VOL. I. 5

34

nating mind, and of his extensive information, and rendered him the first of every assembly afterwards, of which he became a mem- ber. Never wandering from his subject into vain declamation, but pursuing it closely, in language pure, classical and copious, sooth- ing always the feelings of his adversaries by civilities and softness of expression, he rose to the eminent station which he held in the great National Convention of 1787 ; and in that of Virginia which followed, he sustained the new constitution in all its parts, bearing off the palm against die logic of George Mason, and the fervid de- clamadon of Mr. Henry. With these consummate powers, were united a pure and spotless virtue, which no calumny has ever at- tempted to sully. Of the powers and polish of his pen, and of the wisdom of his administration in the highest office of the nation, I need say nothing. They have spoken, and will forever speak for themselves.

So far we were proceeding in the details of reformadon only ; selecting points of legisladon, prominent in character and principle, urgent, and indicative of the strength of the general pulse of refor- mation. When I left Congress in '76, it was in the persuasion that our whole code must be reviewed, adapted to our republican form of government, and, now that we had no negadves of Councils, Governors and Kings to restrain us from doing right, that it should be corrected, in all its parts, with a single eye to reason, and the good of those for whose government it was framed. Early, there- fore, in the session of '76, to which I returned, I moved and pre- sented a bill for the revision of the laws ; which was passed on the 24th of October, and on the 5th of November, Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Wythe, George Mason, Thomas L. Lee and myself, were ap- pointed a committee to execute the work. We agreed to meet at Fredericksburg to setde the plan of operadon, and to distribute the work. We met there accordingly, on the 13th of January, 1777. The first question was, whether we should propose to abo- lish the whole existing system of laws, and prepare a new and complete Institute, or preserve the general system, and only modify it to the present state of things. Mr. Pendleton, contrary to his usual disposition in favor of antient things, was for the former proposition, in which he was joined by Mr. Lee. To this it was objected, that to abrogate our whole system would be a bold mea- sure, and probably far beyond the views of the legislature ; that they had been in the practice of revising, from time to time, the laws of the colony, omitting the expired, die repealed and the ob- solete, amending only those retained, and probably meant, we should now do the same, only including the British statutes as well as our own : that to compose a new Institute, like those of Jus-

35

linian and Bracton, or that of Blackstone, which was the model pro- posed by Mr. Pendleton, would be an arduous undertaking, of vast research, of great consideration and judgment ; and when reduced to a text, every word of that text, from the imperfection of human language, and its incompetence to express distinctly every shade of idea, would become a subject of question and chicanery, until settled by repeated adjudications ; that this would involve us for ages in litigation, and render property uncertain, until, like the sta- tutes of old, every word had been tried and settled by numerous decisions, and by new volumes of reports and commentaries ; and that no one of us, probably, would undertake such a work, which to be systematical, must be the work of one hand. This last was the opinion of Mr. Wytlie, Mr. Mason and myself. When we pro- ceeded to the distribution of the work, Mr. Mason excused himself, as, being no lawyer, he felt himself unqualified for the work, and he resigned soon after. Mr. Lee excused himself on the same ground, and died indeed in a short time. The other two gentlemen, therefore, and myself divided the work among us. The common law and statutes to the 4. James 1. (when our separate legislature was established) were assigned to me ; the British statutes, from that period to the present day, to Mr. Wythe ; and the Virginia laws to Mr. Pendleton. As the law of Descents, and the Criminal law fell of course within my portion, I wished the committee to settle the leading principles of these, as a guide for me in framing them ; and, with respect to the first, I proposed to abolish the law of pri- mogeniture, and to make real estate descendible in parcenary to the next of kin, as personal property is, by the statute of distribu- tion. Mr. Pendleton wished to preserve the right of primogeni- ture, but seeing at once that that could not prevail, he proposed we should adopt the Hebrew principle, and give a double portion to the elder son. I observed, that if the elder son could eat twice as much, or do double work, it might be a natural evidence of his right to a double portion ; but being on a par in his powers and wants, with his brothers and sisters, he should be on a par also in the par- tition of the patrimony ; and such was the decision of the other members.

On the subject of tlie Criminal law, all were agreed, that the punishment of deatli should be abolished, except for treason and murder ; and that, for other felonies, should be substituted hard labor in the public works, and in some cases, the Lex talionis. How this last revolting principle came to obtain our approbation, I do not remember. There remained, indeed, in our laws, a vestige of it in a single case of a slave ; it was the English law, in the time of the Anglo-Saxons, copied probably from the Hebrew law of' an

36

eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth,' and it was tlie law of several antient people ; but the modern mind had left it far in the rear of its advances. These points, however, being settled, we Repaired to our respective homes for the preparation of the work.

In the execution of my part, I thought it material not to vary the diction of the antient statutes by modernizing it, nor to give rise to new questions by new expressions. The text of these statutes had been so fully explained and defined, by numerous ad- judications, as scarcely ever now to produce a question in our courts. I thought it would be useful, also, in all new draughts, to reform the style of the later British statutes, and of our own acts of Assembly ; which, from their verbosity, their endless tautologies, their involutions of case within case, and parenthesis within pa- renthesis, and their multiplied efforts at certainty, by saids and aforesaids, by ors and by ands, to make them more plain, are really rendered more perplexed and incomprehensible, not only to common readers, but to the lawyers themselves. We were em- ployed in this work from that time to February, 1779, when we met at Williamsburg, diat is to say Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Wythe and myself; and meeting day by day, we examined critically our seve- ral parts, sentence by sentence, scrutinizing and amending, until we bad agreed on the whole. We then returned home, had fair copies made of our several parts, which were reported to the General Assembly, June 18, 1779, l3y Mr. Wythe and myself, Mr. Pendleton's residence being distant, and he having authorised us by letter to declare his approbation. We had in this work, brought so much of the Common law as it was thought necessary to alter, all the British statutes from Magna Charta to the present day, and all the laws of Virginia, from the establishment of our legislature, in tlie 4th Jac. 1. to the present time, which we thought should be retained, within the compass of one hundred and twenty-six bills, making a printed folio of ninety pages only. Some bills were taken out, occasionally, from dme to time, and passed ; but the main body of the work was not entered on by the legislature, until, after the general peace, in 1785, when, by the unwearied exertions of Mr. Madison, in opposidon to the endless quibbles, chicaneries, perversions, vexations and delays of lawyers and de- mi-lawyers, most of the bills were passed by the legislature, with little alteration.

The bill for establishing religious freedom, the principles of which had, to a certain degree, been enacted before, I had drawn in all the latitude of reason and right. It still met with opposition ; but, with some mutilations in the preamble, it was finally passed ; and a singular j)roposition proved that its protecdon of opinion was

37

meant to be universal. Where the preamble declares, that coercion is a departure from the plan of the holy author of our religion, an amendment was proposed, by inserting the words ' Jesus Christ,' so that it should read, ' a departure from tlie plan of Jesus Christ, the holy author of our religion 5' the insertion was rejected by a great majority, in proof that they meant to comprehend, within the mantle of its protection, the Jew and tlie Gentile, die Christian and Mahometan, the Hindoo, and Infidel of every denomination.

Beccaria, and other writers on crimes and punishments, had satisfied the reasonable world of the unrightfulness and inefficacy of the punishment of crimes by death ; and hard laboi- on roads, canals and other public works, had been suggested as a proper sub- stitute. The Revisors had adopted these opinions ; but the general idea of our country had not yet advanced to that point. The bill, therefore, for proportioning crimes and punishments, was lost in the House of Delegates by a majority of a single vote. I learn- ed afterwards, that the substitute of hard labor in public, was tried (I believe it was in Pennsylvania) without success. Exhibited as a public spectacle, with shaved heads and mean clothing, working on the high roads, produced in the criminals such a prostration of character, such an abandonment of self-respect, as, instead of reforming, plunged them into the most desperate and hardened de- pravity of morals and character. To pursue the subject of this law. — I was written to in 17^5 (being tlien in Paris) by Directors ap- pointed to superintend the building of a Capitol in Richmond, to advise diem as to a plan, and to add to it one of a Prison. Think- ing it a favorable opportunity of introducing into the state an ex- ample of architecture, in the classic style of antiquity, and the Maison quarree of Nismes, an antient Roman temple, being con- sidered as the most perfect model existing of what may be called Cubic architecture, I applied to M. Clerissault, who had published drawings of the Antiquities of Nismes, to have me a model of die building made in stucco, only changing the order from Corinthian to Ionic, on account of the difficulty of the Corinthian capitals. I yielded, with reluctance, to the taste of Clerissault, in his prefer- ence of the modern capital of Scamozzi to the more noble capital of antiquity. This was executed by the ardst whom Choiseul Gouffier had carried with him to Constantinople, and employed, while Ambassador there, in making those beaudful models of the remains of Grecian architecture, which are to be seen at Paris. To adapt the exterior to our use, I drew a plan for the interior, with the apartments necessaiy for legislative, execudve and judi- ciary purposes ; and accommodated in their size and distribution to die form and dimensions of the building. These were forwarded

38

to the Directors, in 1786, and were carried into execution, with some variations, not for the better, the most important of which, however, admit of future correction. With respect to the plan of a Prison, requested at the same time, I had heard of a benevolent society, in England, which had been indulged by tlie government, in an experiment of the effect of labor, in solitary coi^nement, on some of their criminals ; which experiment had succeeded beyond expectation. The same idea had been suggested in France, and an Architect of Lyons had proposed a plan of a well contrived edi- fice, on the principle of solitary confinement. I procured a copy, and as it was too large for our purposes, I drew one on a scale less extensive, but susceptible of additions as they should be wanting. This I sent to the Directors, instead of a plan of a common prison, in the hope that it would suggest the idea of labor in solitary con- finement, instead of that on the public works, which we had adopted in our Revised Code. Its principle, accordingly, but not its exact form, was adopted by Latrobe in carrying the plan into execution, by the erection of what is now called the Penitentiary, built under his direction. In the mean while, the pubhc opinion was ripening, by time, by reflection, and by the example of Penn- sylvania, where labor on the highways had been tried, without approbation, from 1786 to '89, and had been followed by their Penitentiary system on the principle of confinement and labor, which was proceeding auspiciously. In 1796, our legislature re- sumed tlie subject, and passed the law for amending the Penal laws of the commonwealth. . They adopted solitary, instead of public, labor, established a gradation in the duration of the confinement, approximated the style of the law more to the modern usage, and, instead of the settled distinctions of murder and manslaughter, preserved in my bill, they introduced the new terms of murder in the first and second degree. Whether these have produced more or fewer questions of definition, I am not sufficiently informed of our judiciary transacUons, to say. I will here, however, insert the text of my bill, with the notes I made in the course of my researches into the subject.*

The acts of Assembly concerning the College of William and Mary, were properly within Mr. Pendleton's portion of our work ; but these related chiefly to its revenue, while its constitution, or- ganization and scope of science, were derived from its charter. We thought that on this subject, a systematical plan of general edu- cation should be proposed, and 1 was requested to undertake it. I accordingly prepared three bills for the Revisal, proposing three

[" See Appendix, note E.]

39

distinct grades of education, reaching all classes. 1st. Elementary schools, for all children generally, rich and poor. 2nd. Colleges, for a middle degree of instruction, calculated for the common pur- poses of life, and such as would be desirable for all who were in easy circumstances. And, 3rd. an ultimate grade for teaching the sciences generally, and in their highest degree. The first bill proposed to lay off every county into Hundreds, or Wards, of a proper size and population for a school, in which reading, writing and common arithmetic should be taught ; and that the whole state should be divided into twenty-four districts, in each of which should be a school for classical learning, grammar, geography, and the higher branches of numerical arithmetic. The second bill pro- posed to amend the constitution of William and Mary college, to enlarge its sphere of science, and to make it in fact a University. The third was for the establishment of a library. These bills were not acted on until the same year, '96, and then only so much of the first as provided for elementary schools. The College of Wil- liam and Mary was an establishment purely of the Church of Eng- land ; the Visitors were required to be all of that Church ; the Professors to subscribe its thirty-nine Articles ; its Students to learn its Catechism ; and one of its fundamental objects was declared to be, to raise up Ministers for that Church. The religious jealousies, therefore, of all the dissenters, took alarm lest this might give an ascendancy to the Anglican sect, and refused acting on that bill. Its local eccentricity, too, and unhealthy autumnal climate, lessened the general inclination towards it. And in the Elementary bill, they inserted a provision which completely defeated it ; for they left it to tiie court of each county to determine for itself, when this act should be carried into execution, within their county. One provi- sion of the bill was, that the expenses of these schools should be borne by the inhabitants of the county, every one in proportion to his general tax rate. This would throw on wealth tiie education of the poor ; and the justices, being generally of the more wealthy class, were unwilling to incur that burthen, and I believe it was not suffered to commence in a single county. I shall recur again to this subject, towards the close of my story, if I should have life and resolution enough to reach that term ; for 1 am already tired of talking about myself.

The bill on the subject of slaves, was a mere digest of the ex- isting laws respecting them, without any intimation of a plan for a future and general emancipation. It was thought better tiiat this should be kept back, and attempted only by way of amendment, whenever the bill should be brought on. The principles of the amendment, however, were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom

40

of all born after a certain day, and deportation at a proper age. But it was found that the public mind would not yet bear the pro- position, nor will it bear it even at this day. Yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will follow. No- thing is more certainly written in the book of Tate, than that these people are to be free ; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion have drawn indelible lines of distinction between them. It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degree, as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and their place be, pari passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up. We should in vain look for an example in the Spanish deportation or deletion of tlie Moors. This precedent would fall far short of our case.

I considered four of these bills, passed Or reported, as forming a system by which every fibre would be eradicated of antient or fu- ture aristocracy ; and a foundation laid for a government truly re- publican. The repeal of the laws of entail would prevent the ac- cumulation and perpetuation of wealth, in select families, and pre- serve the soil of the country from being daily more and more ab- sorbed in mortmain. The abolition of primogeniture, and equal partition of inheritances, removed the feudal and unnatural distinc- tions which made one member of every family rich, and all the rest poor, substituting equal partition, the best of all Agrarian laws. The restoration of the rights of conscience, relieved the people from taxation for the support of a religion not theirs ; for the establish- ment was truly of the religion of the rich, the dissenting sects being entirely composed of the less wealthy people ; and tliese, by the bill for a general education, would be qualified to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to exercise with intelligence their parts in self-government : and all this would be effected, without tlie vio- lation of a single natural right of any one individual citizen. To these, too, might be added, as a further securitv, the introduction of the trial by jury, into the Chancery courts, which have already in- gulphed, and continue to ingulph, so great a proportion of the ju- risdiction over our property.

On the 1st of June, 1779, 1 was appointed Governor of the Com- monwealtli, and retired from the legislature. Being elected, also, one of the Visitors of William and Mary college, a self-electing body, I effected, during my residence in WilHamsburg that year, a change m the organization of that institution, by abolishing the Grammar school, and the two professorships of Divinity and Oriental languages, and substituting a professorship of Law and Police, one of

41

Anatomy, Medicine and Chemistry, and one of Modem lan- guages j and the charter confining us to six professorships, we added the Law of Nature and Nations, and the Fine Arts to the duties of the Moral professor, and Natural History to those of the professor of Madiematics and Natural Philosophy.

Being now, as it were, identified with the Commonwealth itself, to write my own history, during the two years of my administration, would be to write the public history of that portion of the revolution within this state. This has been done by others, and particularly by Mr. Girardin, who wrote his Continuation of Burke's History of Virginia, while at Milton, in this neighborhood, had free access to all my papers while composing it, and has given as faithful an account as I could myself. For this portion, therefore, of my own life, I refer altogether to his history. From a belief that, under the pres- sure of the invasion under which we were then laboring, the public would have more confidence in a Military chief, and that the Mili- tary commander, being invested with the Civil power also, both might be wielded with more energy, promptitude and effect for the defence of the state, I resigned the administration at the end of my second year, and General Nelson was appointed to succeed me.

Soon after my leaving Congress, in September, '76, to wit, on the last day of tliat montli, I had been appointed, with Dr. Frank- lin, to go to France, as a Commissioner, to negociate treaties of al- liance and commerce with that government. Silas Deane,then in France, acting as* agent ibr procuring military stores, was joined with us in commission. But such was the state of my family that I could not leave it, nor could I expose it to the dangers of the sea, and of capture by the British ships, then covering the ocean. I saw, too, tiiat the laboring oar was really at home, where much was to be done, of the most permanent interest, in new modelling our governments, and much to defend our fanes and fire-sides from the desolations of an invading enemy, pressing on our country in every point. I declined, therefore, and Dr. Lee was appointed in my place. On the 15th of June, 1781, 1 had heen appointed, with Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens, a Minister Plenipotentiary for negociating peace, then expected to be effected through the mediation of the Empress of Russia. The same rea- sons obliged me still to decline ; and the negociation was in fact never entered on. But, in the autumn of the next year, 1 782, Con-

* His ostensible character was to be that of a merchant, his real one that of agent for military supplies, and also for sounding the dispositions of the go- vernment of France, and seeing how far they would favor us, either secretly or openly. His appointment had been by the Committee of foreign corres- pondence, March, 177G.

VOL. I. d

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gress receiving assurances that a general peace would be conclu- ded in the winter and spring, they renewed my appointment on the 13th of November of diat year. I had, two montlis before that, lost the cherished companion of my life, in whose affections, una- bated on both sides, I had lived the last ten years in unchequered happiness. With the public interests, the state of my mind concur- red in recommending the change of scene proposed ; and I ac- cepted the appointment, and left Monticello on the 19th of De- cember, 1782, for Philadelphia, where I arrived on tlie 27th. The Minister of France, Luzerne, offered me a passage in the Romulus frigate, which I accepted ; but she was then lying a few miles be- low Baltimore, blocked up in the ice. I remained, therefore, a month in Philadelphia, looking over the papers in the office of State, in order to possess myself of the general state of our foreign rela- tions, and then went -to Baltimore, to await tlie liberation of tlie fri- gate from the ice. After waiting there nearly a month, we re- ceived information that a Provisional treaty of peace had been sign- ed by our Commissioners on the 3rd of September, 1782, to be- come absolute, on the conclusion of peace between France and Great Britain. Considering my proceeding to Europe as now of no utility to the pubHc, 1 returned immediately to Philadelphia, to take the orders of Congress, and was excused by them from fur- ther proceeding. I therefore returned home, where I arrived on the 15th of May, 1783.

On the 6th of the following month, I was appointed by the legis- lature a delegate to Congress, the appointment to take place on the 1st of November ensuing, when that of the existing delegation would expire. I accordingly left home on the 16th of October, arrived at Trenton, where Congress was sitting, on the 3rd of No- vember, and took my seat on the 4th, on which day Congress ad- journed, to meet at Annapolis on the 26th.

Congress had now become a very small body, and the members very remiss in their attendance on its duties, insomuch, that a ma- jority of tlie states, necessary by the Confederation to constitute a House even for minor business, did not assemble until the 13th of December.

They, as early as January 7, 1782, had turned their attention to the monies current in the several states, and had directed tlie Financier, Robert Morris, to report to them a table of rates, at wliich the foreign coins should be received at the treasury. That officer, or rather his assistant, Gouverneur Morris, answered diem on the 15th, in an able and elaborate statement of the denominations of money current in the several states, and of the comparative value of the foreign coins chiefly in circulation with us. He went into

43

the consideration of the necessity of establishing a standard of value witli us, and of the adoption of a money Unit. He proposed for that Unit, such a fraction of pure silver as would be a common mea- sure of the penny of every state, without leaving a fraction. This common divisor he found to be 1-1440 of a dollar, or 1-1600 of the crown sterling. The value of a dollar was, therefore, to be expressed by 1440 units, and of a crown by 1600 ; each Unit con- taining a quarter of a grain of fine silver. Congress turning again their attention to this subject the following year, the Financier, by a letter of April 30, 1783, further explained and urged the Unit he had proposed : but nothing more was done on it until the ensuing year, when it was again taken up, and referred to a committee, of which I was a member. The general views of the Financier were sound, and the principle was ingenious on which he proposed to found his Unit ; but it was too minute for ordinary use, too labori- ous for computation, either by the head or in figures. The price of a loaf of bread, 1-20 of a dollar, would be 72 units.

A pound of butter, 1-5 of a dollar, 288 units.

A horse, or bullock, of eighty dollars value, would require a no- tation of six figures, to wit, 115,200, and the public debt, suppose of eighty millions, would require twelve figures, to wit, 1 1 5,200,- 000,000 Units. Such a system of money-arithmetic would be entirely unmanageable for the common purposes of society. I pro- posed, therefore, instead of this, to adopt the Dollar as our Unit of account and payment, and that its divisions and subdivisions should be in the decimal ratio. I wrote some Notes on the subject, which I submitted to the consideration of the Financier. I received his answer and adherence to his general system, only agreeing to take for his Unit one hundred of those he first proposed, so that a Dollar should be 14 40-1 00, and a crown 1 6 Units. I replied to this, and printed my notes and reply on a flying sheet, which I put into the hands of the members of Congress for consideration, and the Com- mittee agreed to report on my principle. This was adopted the ensuing year, and is the system which now prevails. I insert, here, the Notes and Reply, as shewing the different views on which the adoption of our money system hung.* The divisions into dismes, cents and mills is now so well understood, that it would be easy of introduction into the kindred branches of weights and measures. I use, when I travel, an Odometer of Clarke's invention, which di- vides the mile into cents, and I find every one comprehends a dis- tance readily, when stated to him in miles and cents; so he would in feet and cents, pounds and cents, &;c.

["^ See Appendix, note F.]

I"

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The remissness of Congress, and their permanent session, he- gan to be a subject of uneasiness ; and even some of the legisla- tures had recommended to them intermissions, and periodical sessions. As the Confederation had made no provision for a visi- ble head of the government, during vacations of Congress, and such a one was necessary to superintend the executive business, to receive and communicate with foreign ministers and nations, and to assemble Congress on sudden and extraordinary emergencies, I proposed, early in April, the appointment of a committee, to be called the ' Committee of the States,' to consist of a member from each state, who should remain in session during the recess of Con- gress : that the functions of Congress should be divided into ex- ecutive and legislative, the latter to be reserved, and the former, by a general resolution, to be delegated to tliat Committee. This proposition was afterwards agreed to ; a Committee appointed, who entered on duty on the subsequent adjournment of Congress, quar- relled very soon, split into two parties, abandoned their post, and left the government without any visible head, until the next meet- ing of Congress. We have since seen the same thing take place, in the Directory of France ; and I believe it wdll forever take place in any Executive consisting of a plurality. Our plan, best, I be- lieve, combines wisdom and practicability, by providing a plurality of Counsellors, but a single Arbiter for ultimate decision. I w^as in France when we heard of this schism, and separation of our Com- mittee, and, speaking with Dr. Franklin of this singular disposition of men to quarrel, and divide into parties, he gave his sentiments, as usual, by way of Apologue. He mentioned the Eddystone light-house, in the British channel, as being built on a rock, in the mid-channel, totally inaccessible in winter, from the boisterous character of that sea, in that season ; that, therefore, for the two keepers employed to keep up the lights, all provisions for the winter were necessarily carried to them in autumn, as they could never be visited again till the return of the milder season ; that, on the first practicable day in the spring, a boat put off to them with fresh supplies. The boatmen met at tlie door one of the keepers, and accosted him with a ' How goes it, friend ? Very well. How is your companion ? I do not know. Don't know ? Is not he here ? I can't tell. Have not you seen him to-day ? No. When did you see him ? Not since last fall. You have killed bun ? Not I, indeed.' They were about to lay hold of him, as having certainly murdered his companion : but he desired them to go up stairs and examine for themselves. They went up, and there found the other keeper. They liad quarrelled, it seems, soon after being left there, had divided into two parties, assigned

45

tlie cares below to one, and those above to the other, and had never spoken to, or seen, one another since.

But to return to our Congress at Annapolis. The definitive treaty of peace which had been signed at Paris on the 3rd of Sep- tember, 1783, and received here, could not be ratified without a House of nine states. On the 23d of December, tlierefore, we addressed letters to the several Governors, stating the receipt of the definitive treaty ; that seven states only were in attendance, while nine w^ere necessary to its ratification ; and urging them to press on their delegates the necessity of their immediate attend- ance. And on the 26tli, to save time, I moved that the Agent of Marine (Robert Morris) should be instructed to have ready a ves- sel at this place, at New York, and at some Eastern port, to carry over the ratification of the treaty when agreed to. It met the ge- neral sense of the House, but was opposed by Dr. Lee, on the ground of expense, which it would authorize the Agent to incur for us ; and, he said, it would be better to ratify at once, and send on the ratification. Some members had before suggested, tliat seven states were competent to the ratification. My motion was there- fore postponed, and another brought forward by Mr. Read, of South Carolina, for an immediate ratification. This was debated the 26th and 27th. Read, Lee, Williamson and Jeremiah Chase, urged that ratification was a mere matter of form, that tlie treaty was conclusi^ from the moment it was signed by the ministers ; that, altliough the Confederation requires the assent of nine states to enter into a treaty, yet, that its conclusion could not be called the entrance into it ; tliat supposing nine states requisite, it would be in the power of five states to keep us always at war ; that nine states had virtually authorized tlie ratification, having ratified the provisional treaty, and instructed their ministers to agree to a de- finitive one in the same terms, and the present one was, in fact, substantially, and almost verbatim, the same ; that there now re- main but sixty-seven days for the ratification, for its passage across the Atlantic, and its exchange ; that there was no hope of our soon having nine states present ; in fact, that this was the ultimate point of time to which we could venture to wait ; that if tlie rati- fication was not in Paris by the time stipulated, the treaty would become void ; that if ratified by seven states, it w^ould go under our seal, without its being known to Great Britain that only seven had concurred ; that it was a question of which they had no right to take cognizance, and we were only answerable for it to our constituents ; that it was like the ratification which Great Britain had received from the Dutch, by the negociations of Sii- William Temple.

46

On tlie contrary, it was argued by Monroe, Gerry, Howel, Ellery and myself, that by the modem usage of Europe, the rati- fication was considered as the act which gave validity to a treaty, until which, it was not obligatory."^ That the commission to the ministers, reserved tlie ratification to Congress ; that the treaty itself stipulated, that it should be ratified ; that it became a second question, who were competent to the ratification ? That the Confederation ex- pressly required nine states to enter into any treaty ; that, by this, that instrument must have intended, that die assent of nine states should be necessary, as well to the completion as to the commence- ment of the treaty, its object having been to guard the rights of the Union in all those important cases, where nine states are called for ; that by the contrary construction, seven states, containing less than one third of our whole citizens, might rivet on us a treaty, com- menced indeed under commission and instructions from nine states, but formed by the minister in express contradiction to such instruc- tions, and in direct sacrifice of the interests of so great a majority ; that the definitive treaty was admitted not to be a verbal copy of the provisional one, and whether the departures from it were of substance, or not, was a question on which nine states alone were competent to decide ; that the circumstances of the. ratification of tlie provisional articles by nine states, the instructions to our minis- ters to form a definitive one by them, and their actual agreement in substance, do not render us competent to ratify^ the present instance; if these circumstances are in themselves a ratification, nothing further is requisite than to give attested copies of them, in exchange for the British ratification ; if they are not, we remain where we were, without a ratification by nine states, and incom- petent ourselves to ratify ; that it was but four days since the seven states, now present, unanimously concurred in a resolution, to be forwarded to the Governors of the absent states, in which they stated, as a cause for urging on their delegates, that nine states were necessary to ratify the treaty ; that in the case of the Dutch ratification. Great Britain had courted it, and therefore was glad to accept it as it was ; that they knew our Constitution, and would object to a ratification by seven ; that, if that circumstance was kept back, it would be known hereafter, and would give them ground to deny the validity of a ratification, into which they should have been surprized and cheated, and it would be a dishonorable prostitution of our seal ; that there is a hope of nine states ; that if the treaty would become null, if not ratified in time, it would not be saved by an imperfect ratification ; but that, in fact, it would not

* Vattel L. 2. § 15G. L. 4. § T7. 1. Mably Droit D'Europe 86.

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be null, and would be placed on better ground, going iiv unex- ceptionable form, though a few days too late, and rested on tlie small importance of this circumstance, and the physical impossibili- ties which had prevented a punctual compliance in point of time ; tliat this would be approved by all nations, and by Great Britain herself, if not determined to renew the war, and if so determined, she would never want excuses, were this out of tlie way. Mr. Read gave notice, he should call for the yeas and nays ; whereon those in opposiuon, prepared a resolution, expressing pointedly die reasons of their dissent from his motion. It appearing, however, that his proposition could not be carried, it was thought better to make no entry at all. Massachusetts alone would have been for it; Rhode Island, Pennsylvania and Virginia against it, Delaware, Maryland and North Carolina, would have been divided.

Our body was little numerous, but very contentious. Day after day, was wasted on the most unimportant questions. A mem- ber, one of those afflicted with the morbid rage of debate, of an ardent mind, prompt imagination, and copious flow of words, who heard with impatience any logic which was not his own, sitting near me on some occasion of a trifling but wordy debate, asked me how I could sit in silence, hearing so much false reasoning, which a word should refute ? I observed to him, that to refute indeed was easy, but to silence impossible ; that in measures brought forward by myself, I took the laboring oar, as was incumbent on me ; but that in general, I was willing to listen ; that if every sound argu- ment or objection was used by some one or odier of the numerous debaters, it was enough ; if not, I thought it sufficient to suggest tlie omission, without going into a repetition of what had been al- ready said by odiers : diat this was a waste and abuse of the time and patience of the House, which could not be justified. And I believe, that if the members of deliberate bodies were to observe this course generally, they would do in a day, what takes them a week ; and it is really more questionable, than may at fii'st be tliought, whether Bonaparte's dumb legislature, which said nothing, and did much, may not be preferable to one which talks much, and does nothing. I served with General Washington in die legislature of Virginia, before the revolution, and, during it, with Dr. Franklin in Congress. I never heard either of them speak ten minutes at a time, nor to any but the main point, which was to decide die question. They laid their shoulders to the great points, knowing that die little ones would follow of themselves. If the present Con- gress errs in too much talking, how can it be otherwise, in a body to which the people send one hundred and fifty lawyers, whose ti*ade it is, to question every thing, yield nothing, and talk by the hottlr >

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That one hundred and fifty lawyers should do business together, ought not to be expected. But to return again to our subject.

Those who thought seven states competent to the ratification, being very restless under the loss of their motion, I proposed, on the third of January, to meet them on middle ground, and there- fore moved a resolution, which premised, that there were but seven states present, who were unanimous for the ratification, but that they differed in opinion on the question of competency ; that those however in the negative, were unwilling, that any powers which it might be supposed they possessed, should remain unexercised for the restoration of peace, provided it could be done, saving their good faith, and witliout importing any opinion of Congress, that seven states were competent, and resolving that the treaty be rati- fied so far as they had power ; that it should be transmitted to our ministers, with instructions to keep it uncommunicated ; to endea- vor to obfciin three months longer for exchange of ratifications ; that they should be informed, that so soon as nine states shall be present, a ratificafion by nine shall be sent them : if this should get to them before the ultimate point of time for exchange, they were to use it, and not the other 5 if not, they were to offer the act of the seven states in exchange, informing them the treaty had come to hand while Congress was not in session, that but seven states were as yet assembled, and these had unanimously concurred in the ratification. This was debated on the third and fourth ; and on the fifth, a vessel being to sail for England, from this port, (An- napolis) the House directed the' President to write to our ministers accordingly.

January 14. Delegates from Connecticut having attended yes- terday, and another from South Carolina coming in this day, the treaty was ratified without a dissenting voice ; and three instruments of ratification were ordered to be made out, one of which was sent by Colonel Harmer, another by Colonel Franks, and the third transmitted to the Agent of Marine, to be forwarded by any good opportunity.

Congress soon took up the consideration of their foreign rela- tions. They deemed it necessary to get their commerce placed with every nation, on a footing as favorable as that of other nations ; and for this purpose, to propose to each a distinct treaty of com- merce. This act too would amount to an acknowledgement, by each, of our independence, and of our reception into the fraternity : of nations ; which, although as possessing our station of right, and in fact, we would not condescend to ask, w^e were not unwilhng to furnish opportunities for receiving their friendly salutations and wel- come. With France, the United Netherlands, and Sw^en^ we

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had already treaties of commerce ; but commissions were given for those countries also, should any amendments be thought necessary. The other states to which treaties were to be proposed, were England, Hamburg, Saxony, Prussia, Denmark, Russia, Austria, Venice, Rome, Naples, Tuscany, Sardinia, Genoa, Spain, Portu- gal, the Porte, Agiers, Tripoli, Tunis, and Morocco.

On the 7th of May, Congress resolved that a Minister Plenipo- tentiary should be appointed, in addition to Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin, for negotiating treaties of commerce with foreign nations, and I was elected to that duty. I accordingly left Annapolis on the 11th, took with me my eldest daughter, tlien at Philadelphia, (the two others being too young for the voyage) and proceeded to Boston, in quest of a passage. While passing through the different states, I made a point of informing myself of the state of the com- merce of each, went on to New Hampshire with the same view, and returned to Boston. Thence I sailed on the 5th of July, in the Ceres, a merchant ship of Mr. Nathaniel Tracey, bound to Cowes. He was himself a passenger, and, after a pleasant voy- age of nineteen days, from land to land, we arrived at Cowes on the 26th. I was detained there a few days by the indisposition of my daughter. On die , 30th, we embarked for Havre, arrived there on the 31st, left it on the 3rd of August, and arrived at Paris on the 6di. I called immediately on Dr. Frankhn, at Pas- sy, communicated to him our charge, and we wrote to Mr. Adams, then at the Hague, to join iis at Paris.

Before I had left America, that is to say, in the year 1781, I had received a letter from M. de Marbois, of the French legation in Philadelphia, informing me, he had been instructed by his govern- ment to obtain such statisdcal accounts of the different states of our Union, as might be useful for their information ; and addressing to me a number of queries relative to the state of Virginia. I had always made it a practice, whenever an opportunity occurred of obtaining any information of our country, which might be of use to me in any station, public or private, to commit it to writing. These memoranda were on loose papers, bundled up without order, and difficult of recurrence, when I had occasion for a particular one. T thought this a good occasion to embody their substance, which I did in the order of Mr. Marbois' queries, so as to answer his wish, and to arrange them for my own use. Some friends, to whom they were occasionally communicated, wished for copies ; but their volume rendering this too laborious by hand, I proposed to get a few printed, for their gratification. I was asked such a price however, as exceeded the importance of the object. On my arrival at Paris, I found it could be done for a fourth of what

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I had been asked here. I therefore corrected and enlarged them, and had two hundred copies printed, under the tide of ' Notes on Virginia.' I gave a very few copies to some particular friends in Europe, and sent the rest to my friends in America. An Euro- pean copy, by the death of the owner, got into the hands of a bookseller, who engaged its translation, and when ready for the press, communicated his intentions and manuscript to me, suggest- ing that I should correct it, without asking any other permission for the publication. I never had seen so wretched an attempt at translation. Interverted, abridged, mutilated, and often reversing the sense of the original, I found it a blotch of errors, from be- ginning to end. I corrected some of the most material, and, in that form, it was printed in French. A London bookseller, on seeing the translation, requested me to permit him to print the English original. I thought it best to do so, to let the world see that it was not really so bad as the French translation had made it appear. And this is the true history of that publication.

Mr. Adams soon joined us at Paris, and our first employment was to prepare a general form, to be proposed to such nations as were disposed to treat with us. During the negotiations for peace with the British Commissioner, David Hartley, our Commissioners had proposed, on the suggestion of Dr. Franklin, to insert an arti- cle, exempting from capture by the public or private armed ships, of either belligerent, when at war, all merchant vessels and their cargoes, employed merely in carrying on the commerce between nadons. It was refused by England, and unwisely, in my opinion. For, in the case of a war with us, their superior commerce places infinitely more at hazard on the ocean, tlian ours ; and, as haw^ks abound in proportion to game, so our privateers would swarm, in proportion to the wealth exposed to their prize, while theirs would be few, for want of subjects of capture. We inserted this ardcle in our form, with a provision against the molestation of fishermen, husbandmen, citizens unarmed, and following their occupations in unfortified places, for the humane treatment of prisoners of war, the abolition of contraband of war, which exposes merchant ves- sels to such vexatious and ruinous detentions and abuses ; and for the principle of free bottoms, free goods.

In a conference with the Count de Vergennes, it was thought better to leave to legislative regulation, on both sides, such modifi- cations of our commercial intercourse, as would voluntarily flow from amicable dispositions. Without urging, we sounded the minis- ters of the several European nations, at the court of Versailles, on their dispositions towards mutual commerce, and the expediency of encouraging it by the protection of a treaty. Old Freddie, of

51

Prussia, met us cordially, and without hesitation, and, appointing the Baron de Thulemeyer, his minister at the Hague, to negotiate with us, we communicated to him our Projet, which, with little alteration by the King, was soon concluded. Denmark and Tus- cany, entered also into negotiations with us. Other powers ap- pearing indifferent, we aid not think it proper to press them. They seemed, in fact, to know litde about us, but as rebels, who had been successful in throwing off tlie yoke of the motlier country. They were ignorant of our commerce, which had been always monopolized by England, and of the exchange of articles, it might offer advantageously to both parties. They were inclined, there- fore, to stand aloof, until they could see better what relations might be usefully instituted with us. The negotiations, therefore, begun with Denmark and Tuscany, we protracted designedly, until our powers had expired ; and abstained from making new propositions to others having no colonies ; because our commerce being an exchange of raw for wrought materials, is a competent price for admission into the colonies of those possessing them ; but were we to give it, without price, to others, all would claim it, without price, on the ordinary ground of gentis amicissimae.

Mr. Adams being appointed Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, to London, left us in June, and in July, 1785, Dr. Franklin returned to America, and I was appointed his successor at Paris. In February, 1786, Mr. Adams wrote to me, pressingly, to join him in London immediately, as he thought he discovered there some symptoms of better disposition towards us. Colonel Smith, his secretary of legation, was the bearer of his urgencies for my immediate attendance. I, accordingly, left Paris on the 1st of March, and, on my arrival in London, we agreed on a very summary form of treaty, proposing an exchange of citizenship for our citizens, our ships, and our productions generally, except as to office. On my presentation, as usual, to the King and Queen, at their levees, it was impossible for any thing to be more ungracious, than their notice of Mr. Adams and myself. I saw, at once, that the ulcerations of niind in that quarter, left nothing to be expected on the subject of my attendance ; and, on the first conference with the Marquis of Caermarthen, the Minister for foreign affairs, the distance and disinclination which he betrayed in his conversation, the vagueness and evasions of his answers to us, confirmed me in the belief of their aversion to have any thing to do with us. We delivered him, however, our Projet, Mr. Adams not despairing as much as I did, of its effect. We afterwards, by one or more notes, requested his appointment of an interview and conference, which, without directly declining, he evaded, by pretences of odier

52

pressing occupations for the moment. After staying there seven weeks, till witliin a few days of the expiration of our commission, I informed the minister, by note, that my duties at Paris required my return to that place, and that I should, witli pleasure, be the bearer of any commands to his Ambassador there. He answered, that he had none, and, wishing me a pleasant journey, I left Lon- don the 26th, and arrived at Paris the 30th of April.

While in London, we entered into negotiations with the Che- valier Pinto, Ambassador of Portugal, at that place. The only ar- ticle of difficulty between us was, a stipulation that our bread stuff should be received in Portugal, in the form of flour as well as of grain. He approved of it himself, but observed that several No- bles, of great influence at their court, were the owners of wind- mills in the neighborhood of Lisbon, which depended much for their profits on manufacturing our wheat, and that this stipulation would endanger the whole treaty. He signed it, however, and its fate was what he had candidly portended.

My duties, at Paris, were confined to a few objects ; the receipt of our whale-oils, salted fish, and salted meats, on favorable terms ; the admission of our rice on equal terms with that of Piedmont, Egypt and the Levant ; a mitigation of the monopolies of our to- bacco by the Farmers-general, and a free admission of our pro- ductions into their islands, were the principal commercial objects which required attention ; and, on these occasions, I was power- fully aided by all the influence and the energies of the Marquis de La Fayette, who proved himself equally zealous for the friend- ship and welfare of both nations ; and, in justice, I must also say, that I found the government entirely disposed to befriend us on all occasions, and to yield us every indulgence, not absolutely in- jurious to themselves. The Count De Vergennes had the repu- tation, with the diplomatic corps, of being wary and slippery in his diplomatic intercourse ; and so he might be, with those whom he knew to be slippery, and double faced themselves. As he saw that I had no indirect views, practised no subtleties, meddled in no intrigues, pursued no concealed object, I found him as frank, as honorable, as easy of access to reason, as any man with whom I had ever done business ; and I must say the same for his succes- sor, Montmorin, one of the most honest and worthy of human beings.

Our commerce, in the Mediterranean, was placed under early alarm, by the capture of two of our vessels and crews by the Bar- bary cruisers. I was very unwilling that we should acquiesce in the European humiliation, of paying a tribute to those lawless pi- rates, and endeavored to form an association of die powers sub-

63

ject to habitual depredations from tliem. 1 accordingly prepared, and proposed to their Ministers at Paris, for consultation with their governments, ardcles of a special confederation, in die fol- lowing form.

' Proposals for concerted operation among the powers at war with the piratical States of Barbary.

1 . Tt is proposed, that the several powers at war with die pira- tical States of Barbary, or any two or more of diem who shall be willing, shall enter into a convention to carry on their operadons against those States, in concert, beginning wth the Algerines.

2. This convendon shall remain open to any other power, who shall, at any future dme, wish to accede to it ; the parties reserving the jight to prescribe the conditions of such accession, according to the circumstances existing at the time it shall be proposed.

3. The object of the convention shall be, to compel the piratical States to perpetual peace, without price, and to guaranty that peace to each other.

4. The operations for obtaining this peace, shall be constant cruizes on their coast, with a naval force now to be agreed on. It is not proposed, that this force shall be so considerable as to be in- convenient to any party. It is believed that half a dozen frigates, with as many Tenders or Xebecs, one half of which shall be in cruize, while die other half is at rest, will suffice.

5. The force agreed to be necessary, shall be furnished by the parties, in certain quotas, now to be fixed ; it being expected, that each will be willing to contribute, in such proportion as circum- stances may render reasonable.

6. As miscarriages often proceed from the want of harmony among officers of different nations, the parties shall now consider and decide, whether it will not be better to contribute their quotas in money, to be employed in fitting out and keeping on duty, a single fleet of the force agreed on.

7. The difficulties and delays, too, which will attend the man- agement of these operations, if conducted by the parties them- selves separately, distant as their courts may be from one another, and incapable of meeting in consultation, suggest a question, whe- ther it will not be better for them to give full powers, for that pur- pose, to their Ambassadors, or other Ministers resident at some one court of Europe, who shall form a Committee, or Council, for car- rying this convention into effect ; wherein, the vote of each mem- ber shall be computed in proportion to the quota of his sove- reign, and the majority so computed, shall prevail in all questions witliin the view of this convention. The court of Versailles is pro- posed, on account of its neighborhood to die Mediterranean, and

54

because all tliose powers are represented there, who are likely to become parties to this convention.

8. To save to tliat Council tlie embarrassment of personal soli- citations for office, and to assure the parties that their contributions will be applied solely to the object for which they are destined, there shall be no establishment of officers for the said Council, such as Commissioners, Secretaries, or any other kind, with either salaries or perquisites, nor any other lucrative appointments but such whose functions are to be exercised on board the said vessels.

9. Should war arise between any two of the parties to this con- vention, it shall not extend to this enterprize, nor interrupt it; but as to this they shall be reputed at peace.

10. When Algiers shall be reduced to peace, the other piratical States, if they refuse to discontinue their piracies, shall become the objects of this convention, either successively or togetlier, as shall seem best.

1 1 . Where this convention would interfere with treaties actually existing between any of the parties and the said States of Barbary, the treaty shall prevail, and such party shall be allowed to with- draw from the operations against that state.'

Spain had just concluded a treaty with Algiers, at the expenses of three millions of dollars, and did not like to relinquish the benefit of that, until the other party should fail in their observance of it. Portugal, Naples, the two Sicilies, Venice, Malta, Denmark and Sweden, were favorably disposed to such an association ; but their representatives at Paris expressed apprehensions that France would interfere, and, either openly or secretly, support the Barbary powers ; and they required, that I should ascertain the dispositions of the Count de Vergennes on the subject. I had before taken occasion to inform him of what we were proposing, and, therefore, did not think it proper to insinuate any doubt of the fair conduct of his government ; but, stating our propositions, I mentioned the apprehensions entertained by us, that England would interfere in behalf of those piratical governments. ' She dares not do it,' said he. I pressed it, no further. The other Agents were satisfied with this indication of his sentiments, and nothing was now wanting to bring it into direct and formal consideration, but the assent of our government, and their authority to make the formal proposi- tion. I communicated to them the favorable prospect of protect- ing our commerce from the Barbary depredations, and for such a continuance of time, as, by an exclusion of them from the sea, to change tlieir habits and characters, from a predatory to an agricul- tural people : towards which, however, it was expected they would contribute a frigate, and its expenses, to be in constant cjuize. But

55

they were in no condition to make any such engagement. Their recommendatory powers for obtaining contributions, were so openly neglected by the several states, tliat they declined an engagement which they were conscious they could not fulfil with punctuality ; and so it fell through.

*In 1786, while at Paris, I became acquainted witli John Led- yard, of Connecticut, a man of genius, of some science, and of fearless courage and enterprize. He had accompanied Captain Cook in his voyage to the Pacific, had distinguished himself on several occasions by an unrivalled intrepidity, and published an account of that voyage, with details unfavorable to Cook's deport- ment towards the savages, and lessening our regrets at his fate. Ledyard had come to Paris, in the hope of forming a company to engage in the fur trade of the Western coast of America. He was disappointed in this, and, being out of business, and of a roam- ing, restless character, I suggested to him the enterprize of explor- ing the Western pan of our continent, by passing through St. Petersburgh, to Kamschatka, and procuring a passage thence in some of the Russian vessels to Nootka sound, whence he might make his way across the continent, to the United States ; and I un- dertook to have the permission of the Empress of Russia solicited. He eargerly embraced the proposition, and M. de Semoulin, the Russian Ambassador, and more particularly Baron Grimm, the spe- cial correspondent of the Empress, solicited her permission for him to pass through her dominions, to the Western coast of Ame- rica. And here I must correct a material error, which I have committed in another place, to tlie prejudice of the Empress. Li writing some notes of the life of Captain Lewis, prefixed to his ' Expedition to the Pacific,' I stated that the Empress gave the permission asked, and afterwards retracted it. This idea, after a lapse of twenty-six years, had so insinuated itself into my mind, that I committed it to paper, without the least suspicion of error. Yet I find, on recurring to my letters of that date, that the Em- press refused permission at once, considering the enterprize as entirely chimerical. But Ledyard would not relinquish it, per- suading himself, that, by proceeding to St. Petersburg, he could satisfy the Empress of its practicability and obtain her permission. He went accordingly, but she was absent on a visit to some distant part of her dominions,! and he pursued his course to within two

[* In the original MS., the parag;raph ending with ' fell through,' terminates pa^e 81 ; betweerx this page and the next, there is stitched in, a leaf of old writing, constituting a memorandum, whereof note G. in the Appendix, is a

copy.] t The

Crimea.

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hundred miles of Kamschatka, where he was overtaken by an ar- rest from the Empress, brought back to Poland, and there dis- missed. I must therefore, in justice, acquit the Empress of ever having for a moment countenanced, even by the indulgence of an innocent passage through her territories, this interesting enterprize. The pecuniary distresses of France, produced this year, a mea- sure of which there had been no example for near two centuries, and the consequences of which, good and evil, are not yet calcu- lable. For its remote causes, we must go a little back.

Celebrated writers of France and England, had already sketched good principles on the subject of government : yet the American Revolution seems first to have awakened the thinking part of the French nation in general, from the sleep of despotism in which they were sunk. The officers too, who had been to America, were mostly young men, less shackled by habit and pre- judice, and more ready to assent to the suggestions of common sense, and feeling of common rights, tlian others. They came back with new ideas and impressions. The press, notwithstanding its shackles, began to disseminate them ; conversation assumed new freedoms ; Politics became the theme of all societies, male and female, and a very extensive and zealous party was formed, which acquired the appellation of the Patriotic party, who, sensible of the abusive government under which they lived, sighed for occasions of re- forming it. This party comprehended all the honesty of the king- dom, sufficiently at leisure to think, the men of letters, the easy Burgeois, the young nobility, partly from reflection, partly from mode ; for these sentiments became matter of mode, and as such, united most of the young women to the party. Happily for the nation, it happened, at the same moment, that the dissipations of the Queen and court, the abuses of the pension-list, and dilapidations in the administration of every branch of the finances, had ex- hausted the treasures and credit of the nation, insomuch, that its most necessary functions were paralyzed. To reform these abuses would have overset the Minister ; to impose new taxes by the au- thority of the King, was known to be impossible, from the deter- mined opposition of the Parliament to their enregistry. No re- source remained then, but to appeal to the nation. He advised therefore, the call of an Assembly of the most distinguished cha- racters of the nation, in the hope, that, by promises of various and valuable improvements in the organization and regimen of the go- vernment, they would be induced to authorise new taxes, to con- trol the opposition of the Parliament, and to raise the annual revenue to the level of expenditures. An Assembly of Notables therefore, about one hundred and fifty in number, named by the

57

King, convened on the 22nd of February. The Minister, (Calonne) stated to them, that the annual excess of expenses beyond tlie re- venue, when Louis XVI. came to the throne, was thirty-seven millions of livres ; that four hundred and forty millions had been borrowed to re-establish the navy ; that the American war had cost them fourteen hundred and forty millions, (two hundred and fifty- six millions of dollars) and that the interest of these sums, with other increased expenses, had added forty millions more to the annual deficit. (But a subsequent and more candid estimate made it fifty-six millions.) He proffered them an universal redress of grievances, laid open those grievances fully, pointed out sound remedies, and, covering his canvass with objects of tliis magnitude, the deficit dwindled to a litde accessory, scarcely attracting atten- tion. The persons chosen, were the most able and independent characters in the kingdom, and their support, if it could be ob- tained, would be enough for him. They improved the occasion for redressnig their grievances, and agreed that the public wants should be relieved ; but went into an examination of the causes of them. It was supposed that Colonne was conscious that his ac- counts could not bear examination ; and it was said, and believed, that he asked of the King, to send four members to the Bastile, of whom the Marquis de la Fayette was one, to banish twenty others, and two of his Ministers. The King found it shorter to banish him. His successor went on in full concert with the Assembly. The result was an augmentation of the revenue, a promise of economies in its expenditure, of an annual settlement of the pub- lic accounts before a council, which the Comptroller, having been heretofore obliged to settle only with the King in person, of course never settled at all ; an acknowledgment that the King could not lay a new tax, a reformation of the Criminal laws, abolition of tor- ture, suppression of corvees, reformation of the gabelles, removal of the interior Custom Houses, free commerce of grain, internal and external, and the establishment of Provincial Assemblies; which, altogether, constituted a great mass of improvement in the condition of the nation. The establishment of the Provincial As- semblies was, in itself, a fundamental improvement. They would be of the choice of the people, one third renewed every year, in those provinces where there are no states, that is to say, over about three fourths of the kingdom. They would be partly an Executive themselves, and partly an Executive Council to the In- tendant, to whom the Executive power, in his province, had been heretofore entirely delegated. Chosen by the people, they would soften the execution of hard laws, and, having a right of represen- tation to the King, they would censure bad laws, suggest good ones,

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expose abuses, and their representations, when united, would com- mand respect. To the other advantages, might be added the precedent itself of calling the Assemblee des Notables, which would perhaps grow into habit. The hope was, that the improvements thus promised would be carried into effect ; that they would be maintained during the present reign, and that that would be long enough for them to take some root in the constitution, so that they might come to be considered as a part of that, and be protected by time, and the attachment of the nation.

The Count de Vergennes had died a few days before the meeting of the Assembly, and the Count de Montmorin had been named minister of foreign affairs, in his place. Villedeuil succeed- ed Calonne, as Comptroller General, and Lomenie de Bryenne, Archbishop of Thoulouse, afterwards of Sens, and ultimately Car- dinal Lomenie, was named Minister principal, with whom the other Ministers were to transact the business of their departments, here- tofore done with the King in person ; and tlie Duke de Nivernois, and M. de Malesherbes, were called to the Council. On the no- mination of the Minister principal, the Marshals de Segur and de Castries retired from the departments of War and Marine, untvil- ling to act subordinately, or to share the blame of proceedings taken out of their direction. They were succeeded by the Count de Brienne, brother of the Prime Minister, and the Marquis de la Luzerne, brother to him who had been Minister in the United States.

A dislocated, wrist, unsuccessfully set, occasioned advice from my surgeon, to try the mineral waters of Aix, in Provence, as a corroborant. I left Paris for that place therefore, on the 28tli of February, and proceeded up the Seine, through Champagne and Burgundy, and down the Rhone through the Beaujolais by Lyons, Avignon, Nismes to Aix ; where, finding on trial no benefit from the waters, I concluded to visit the rice country of Piedmont, to see if any thing might be learned there, to benefit the rivalship of our Carolina rice with that, and thence to make a tour of the sea- port towns of France, along its Southern and Western coast, to in- form myself, if any thing could be done to favor our commerce with them. From Aix, therefore, I took my route by Marseilles, Toulon, Hieres, Nice, across the Col de Tende, by Coni, Turin, Vercelli, Novara, Milan, Pavia, Novi, Genoa. Thence, returning along the coast by Savona, Noli, Albenga, Oneglia, Monaco, Nice, Antibes, Frejus, Aix, Mars«illes, Avignon, Nismes, Montpellier, Frontignan, Cette, Agde, and along the canal of Languedoc, by Bezieres, Narbonne, Cascassonne, Castelnaudari, through the Souterrain of St^ Feriol, and back by Castelnaudari, to Toulouse ;

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thence to Montauban, and down the Garonne by Langon to Bor- deaux. Thence to Rochefort, la Rochelle, Nantes, L'Orient ; then back by Rennes to Nantes, and up the Loire by Angers, Tours, Amboise, Blois to Orleans, thence direct to Paris, where I arrived On the 10th of June. Soon after my return from this journey, to wit, about the latter part of July, I received my younger daughter Maria, from Virginia, by the way of London, the young- est having died some time before.

The treasonable perfidy of the Prince of Orange, Stadtholder and Captain General of the United Netherlands, in the war which England waged against them, for entering into a treaty of com- merce with the United States, is known to all. As their Execu- tive officer, charged with the conduct of the w^ar, he contrived to baffle all the measures of the States General, to dislocate all their military plans, and played false into the hands. of England against his own country, on every possible occasion, confident in her pro- tection, and in that of the King of Prussia, brother to his Princess. The States General, indignant at this patricidal conduct, applied to France for aid, according to the stipulations of the treaty, conclud- ed with her in '85. It was assured to them readily, and in cordial terms, in a letter from the Count de Vergennes, to the Marquis de Verac, Ambassador of France at the Hague, of which the follow- ing is an extract.

* Extrait de la depeche de Monsieur le Comte de Vergennes a Monsieur le Marquis de Verac, Ambassadeur de France a la Haye, du ler Mars, 1786.

Le Roi concourrera, autant qu' il sera en son pouvoir, au succes de la chose, et vous inviterez, de sa part, les patriotes de lui com- muniquer leurs vues, leurs plans, et leurs envieux. Vous les assurerez, que le roi prend un interet veritable a leurs personnes comme a leur cause, et qu' ils peuvent compter sur sa protection, lis doivent y compter d' autant plus. Monsieur, que nous ne dissi- mulons pas, que si Monsieur le Stadhoulder reprend son ancienne influence, le systeme Anglois ne tardera pas de prevaloir, et que notre alliance deviendroit un etre de raison. Les Patriotes sen- tiront facilement, que cette position seroit incompatible avec la dignite, comme avec la consideration de sa majeste. Mais dans le cas. Monsieur, ou les chefs des Patriotes auroient a craindre une scission, ils auroient le temps suffisant pour ramener ceux de leurs amis, que les Anglomanes ont egares, et preparer les choses, de maniere que la question de nouveau mise en deliberation, soit decidee selon leurs desirs. Dans cette hypothese, le roi vous autorise a agir de concert avec eux, de suivre la direction qu' ils jugeront devoir vous donner, et d' employer tons les moyens

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pour augmenter le nombre des partisans de la bonne cause. II me reste, Monsieur, de vous parler de la surele personelle des Patriotes. Vous les assurerez, que dans tout etat de cause, le roi les prend sous sa protection immediate, et vous ferez connoitre, partout ou vous le jugerez necessaire, que sa Majeste regarderoit comme une offense personnelle, tout ce qu' on entreprenderoit contre leur liberte. II est a presumer que ce langage, tenu avec energie, en imposera a Paudace des Anglomanes, et que Monsieur le Prince de Nassau croira courir quelque risque en provoquant le ressentiment de sa Majeste.'*

This letter was communicated by the Patriots to me, when at Amsterdam, in 1788, and a copy sent by me to Mr. Jay, in my letter to him of March 16, 1788.

The object of the Patriots w^as, to establish a representative and republican government. The majority of the States General were with them, but the majority of the populace of the towns was with the Prince of Orange ; and that populace was played off with great effect, by the triumvirate of * * * Harris, the English Ambassador, afterwards Lord Malmesbury, the Prince of Orange, a stupid man, and the Princess as much a man as either of her colleagues, in audaciousness, in enterprize, and in the thirst of domination. By these, the mobs of the Hague were excited against the mem- bers of the States General ; their persons were insulted, and en- dangered in the streets; the sanctuary of their houses was violated ;

[* Extract from the despatch of the Count de Vergennes, to the Marquis de Verac, Ambassador from France, at the Hague, dated March 1, 1786. * The King will give his aid, as far as may be in his power, towards the suc- cess of the affair, and will, on his part, invite the Patriots to communicate to him their views, their plans, and their discontents. You may assure them that the King takes a real interest in themselves, as well as their cause, and that they may rely upon his protection. On this they may place the greater depend- ance, as we do not conceal, that if the Stadtholder resumes his former influ- ence, the English System will soon prevail, and our alliance become a mere affair of the imagination. The Patriots will readily feel, that this position would be incompatible both with the dignity and consideration of his Majesty. But in case the chief of the Patriots should have to fear a division, they would have time sufficient to reclaim those whom the Anglomaniacs had misled, and to prepare matters in such a manner, that the question when again agitated, might be decided according to their wishes. In such a hypothetical case, the King authorizes you to act in concert with them, to pursue the direction which they may think proper to give you, and to employ every means to augment the num- ber of the partisans of the good cause. It remains for me to speak of the per- sonal security of the Patriots. You may assure them, that under every circum- stance, the King will take them under his immediate protection, and you will make known wherever you may judge necessary, that his Majesty will regard, as a personal offence, every undertaking against their liberty. It is to be pre- sumed that this language, energetically maintained, may have some effect on the audacity of the Anglomaniacs, and "that the Prince de Nassau will feel that he runs some risk in provoking the resentment of his Majesty.']

01 . *

and the Princ^ whose function and duty it was to repress and punish these violations of order, took no steps for that purpose. The States General, for tlieir own protection, were therefore obliged to place their militia under the command of a Committee. The Prince filled the courts of London and Berhn with complaints at this usurpation of his prerogatives, and, forgetting that he was but the first servant of a Republic, marched his regular troops against tlie city of Utrecht, where the States were in session. They were repulsed by the militia. His interests now became marshal- ed with diose of the public enemy, and against his own country. The States, therefore, exercising their rights of sovereignty, de- prived him of all his powers. The great Frederic had died in August, '86. He had never intended to break with France in support of the Prince of Orange. During the illness of which he died, he had, through the Duke of Brunswick, declared to the Marquis de La Fayette, who was then at Berlin, that he meant not to support the English interest in Holland : that he might as- sure die government of France, his only wish was, that some ho- norable place in the Constitution should be reserved for the Stadt- holder and his children, and that he would take no part in the quarrel, unless an entire abolition of the Stadtholderate should be attempted. But his place was now occupied by Frederic William, his great nephew, a man of litde understanding, much caprice, and very inconsiderate : and the Princess, his sister, although her hus- band was in arms against the legitimate authorities of the country, attempting to go to Amsterdam, for tlie purpose of exciting the mobs of that place, and being refused permission to pass a military post on the way, he put the Duke of Brunswick at the head of twenty thousand men, and made demonstrations of marching on Holland. The King of France hereupon declared, by his Charge des Affaires in Holland, that if the Prussian troops continued to menace Holland with an invasion, his Majesty, in quality of Ally, was determined to succor that province. In answer to this, Eden gave official information to Count Montmorin, tliat England must consider as at an end, its convention widi France relative to giving notice of its naval armaments, and that she was arming generally. War being now imminent, Eden, since Lord Aukland, questioned me on the effect of our treaty with Fr^mce, in the case of a war, and what might be our dispositions. I told him frankly, and with- out hesitation, that our dispositions would be neutral, and diat 1 thought it would be die interest of both diese powers that "we should be so ; because, it would relieve both from all anxiety as to feed- ing their West India islands ; that England, too, by suffering us to remain so, would avoid a heavy land war on our Continent, which

might very much cripple her proceedings elsewhere ; that our treaty, indeed, obliged us to receive into our ports the armed vessels of France, with their prizes, and to refuse admission to the prizes made on her by her enemies : that there was a clause, also, by which we guarantied to France her American possessions, which might perhaps force us into the war, if these were attacked.' ' Then it will be war,' said he, ' for they will assuredly be attack- ed.' Liston, at Madrid, about the same time, made the same en- quiries of Carmichael. The government of France then declared a determination to form a camp of observation at Givet, commen- ced arming her marine, and named the Bailli de Suffrein their Generalissimo on the Ocean. She secretly engaged, also, in ne- gotiations with Russia, Austria and Spain, to form a quadruple al- liance. The Duke of Brunswick having advanced to the confines of Holland, sent some of his officers to Givet, to reconnoitre the state of things there, and report them to him. He said afterwards, that ' if there had been only a few tents at that place, he should not have advanced further, for that the King would not, merely for the interest of his sister, engage in a war with France.' But, find- ing that there was not a single company tliere, he boldly entered the country, took tiieir towns as fast as he presented himself be- fore them, and advanced on Utrecht. The States had appointed the Rhingrave of Salm their Commander in chief; a Prince without talents, without courage, and without principle. He might have held out in Utrecht, for a considerable time, but he surrendered the place without firing a gun, literally ran away and hid himself, so that for months it was not known what was become of him. Amsterdam was then attacked, and capitulated. In the mean time, the negotiations for the quadruple alliance were proceeding favor- ably ; but the secrecy with which they were attempted to be con- ducted, was penetrated by Fraser, Charge des Affaires of England at St. Petersburg, who instantly notified his court, and gave the alarm to Prussia. The King saw at once what would be his situ- ation, between the jaws of France, Austria, and Russia. In great dismay, he besought the court of London not to abandon him, sent Alvensleben to Paris to explain and sooth ; and England, through the Duke of Dorset and Eden, renewed her conferences for ac- commodation. The Archbishop, who shuddered at the idea of war, and preferred a peaceful surrender of right, to an armed vin- dication .of it, received them with open arms, entered into cordial conferences, and a declaration, and counter-declaration, were cook- ed up at Versailles, and sent to London for approbation. They were approved there, reached Paris at one o'clock of the 27th, and were signed that night at Versailles. It was said and believed

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at Paris, that M. de Montmorin, literally ' pleuroit comme uir enfant,' when obliged to sign this counter-declaration ; so distress- ed was he by the dishonor of sacrificing the Patriots, after assu- rances so solemn of protection, and absolute encouragement to pro- ceed. The Prince of Orange was reinstated in all his powers, now become regal. A great emigration of the Patriots took place ; all were deprived of office, many exiled, and their property con- fiscated. They were received in France, and subsisted, for some time, on her bounty. Thus fell Holland, by the treachery of her Chief, from her honorable independence, to bacome a province of England ; and so, also, her Stadtholder, from the high station of the first citizen of a free Republic, to be die servile Viceroy of a foreign Sovereign. And this was effected by a mere scene of bullying and demonstration ; not one of the parties, France, England, or Prussia, having ever really meant to encounter actual war for the interest of the Prince of Orange. But it had all the effect of a real and decisive war.

Our first essay, in America, to establish a federative government had fallen, on trial, very short of its object. During the war of Independence, while the pressure of an external enemy hooped us together, and their enterprizes kept us necessarily on the alert, the spirit of the people, excited by danger, was a supplement to the Confederation, and urged them to zealous exertions, whether claimed by that instrument or not ; but, when peace and safety were restored, and every man became engaged in useful and pro- fitable occupation, less attention was paid to the calls of Congress. The fundamental defect of the Confederation was, that Congress was not authorised to act immediately on the people, and by its. own officers. Their power was only requisitory, and these requi- sitions were addressed to the several Legislatures, to be by them carried into execution, without other coercion than the moral prin- ciple of duty. This allowed, in fact, a negative to every Legisla- ture, on every measure proposed by Congress ; a negative so fre- quently exercised in practice, as to benumb the action of the Fe- deral government, and to render it inefficient in its general objects,, and more especially in pecuniary and foreign concerns. The want, too, of a separation of the Legislative, Executive and Judi- ciary functions, worked disadvantageously in practice. Yet this state of things afforded a happy augury of the future march of our Confederacy, when it was seen that the good sense and good dis- positions of the people, as soon as they perceived the incompe- tence of their first compact, instead of leaving its correction to in- surrection and civil war, agreed, with one voice, to elect deputies to a general Convention, who should peaceably meet and agree on

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such a Constitution as * would ensure peace, justice, liberty, the common defence and general welfare.'

This Convention met at Philadelphia on the 25th of May, '87. It sat with closed doors, and kept all its proceedings secret, until its dissolution on the 17th of September, when the results of its labors were published all together. I received a copy, early in November, and read and contemplated its provisions with great satisfaction. As not a member of the Convention, however, nor probably a single citizen of the Union, had approved it in all its parts, so I, too, fou»d articles which I thought objectionable. The absence of express declarations ensuring freedom of religion, free- dom of the press, freedom of tlie person under the uninterrupted protection of the Habeas corpus, and trial by jury in Civil, as well as in Criminal cases, excited my jealousy ; and the re-eligibility of the President for life, I quite disapproved. I expressed freely, in letters to my friends, and most particularly to Mr. Madison and General Washington, my approbations and objections. How the good should be secured, and the ill brought to rights, was the dif- ficulty. To refer it back to a new Convention, might endanger the loss of the whole. My first idea was, that the nine states first acting, should accept it unconditionally, and thus secure what in it was good, and that the four last should accept on the previous condition, that certain amendments should be agreed to ; but a bet- ter course was devised, of accepting the whole, and trusting that the good sense and honest intentions of our citizens, would make the alterations which should be deemed necessary. Accordingly, all accepted, six without objection, and seven with recommenda- tions of specified amendments. Those respecting the press, reli- gion, and juries, with several others, of great value, were accord- ingly made ; but the Habeas corpus was left to the discretion of Congress, and the amendment against the re-eligibility of the Pre- sident was not proposed. My fears of that feature were founded on the importance of the office, on the fierce contentions it might excite among ourselves, if confinuable for life, and the dangers of interference, either with money or arms, by foreign nations, to whom the choice of an American President might become inte- resting. Examples of this abounded in history ; in the case of the Roman Emperors, for instance ; of the Popes while of any signifi- cance ; of the German Emperors ; the Kings of Poland, and the Deys of Barbary. I had observed, too, in the feudal history, and in die recent instance, particularly, of the Stadtholder of Holland, how easily offices, or tenures for Hfe, slide into inheritances. My wish, therefore, was that the President should be elected for seven years, and be ineligible afterwards. This term I thought suffi-

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cient to enable him, with the concurrence of the Legislature, to carry through and establish any system of improvement he should propose for the general good. But the practice adopted, I think, is better, allowing his continuance for eight years, with a liability to be dropped at half way of the term, making that a period of pro- bation. That his continuance should be restrained to seven years, was the opinion of the Convention at an earlier stage of its session, when it voted that term, by a majority of eight against two, and by a simple majority, diat he should be ineligible a second time. This opinion was confirmed by the House so late as July 26, referred to tlie Committee of detail, reported favorably by them, and changed to the present form by final vote, on the last day, but one only, of their session. Of this change, three states expressed their disapprobation ; New York, by recommending an amendment, that the President should not be eligible a third time, and Virginia and North Carolina, tliat he should not be capable of serving more than eight, in any term of sixteen years ; and although this amendment has not been made in form, yet practice seems to have established it. The example of four Presidents, voluntarily retiring at the end of their eighth year, and tlie progress of public opinion, that the principle is salutary, have given it in practice, the force of prece- dent and usage ; insomuch, that should a President consent to be a candidate for a third election, I trust he would be rejected, on this demonstration of ambitious views.

But there was another amendment, of which none of us thought at the time, and in the omission of which, lurks the germ that is to destroy this happy combination of National powers, in the Gene- ral government, for matters of National concern, and independent powers in the States, for what concerns the States severally. In England, it was a great point gained at the Revolution, that the commissions of the Judges, which had hitherto been during plea- sure, should thenceforth be made during good behavior. A Judi- ciary, dependant on the will of the King, had proved itself the most oppressive of all tools, in the hands of that Magistrate. No- thing, then, could be more salutary, than a change there, to the tenure of good behavior ; and the question of good behavior, left to the vote of a simple majority in the two Houses of Parliament. Before the Revolution, we were all good English Whigs, cordial in their free principles, and in their jealousies of their Executive Magistrate. These jealousies are very apparent, in all our state Constitutions ; and, in the General government in this instance, we have gone even beyond the English caution, by requiring a vote of two thirds, in one of the Houses, for removing a Judge ; a vote

VOL. I. 9

m

so impossible, where* any defence is made, before men of ordi- nary prejudices and passions, that our Judges are effectually inde- pendent of the nation. But this ought not to be. I would not, indeed, make them dependant on the Executive authority, as they formerly were in England ; but I deem it indispensable to the con- tinuance of this government, that they should be submitted to some practical and impartial control ; and that this, to be impartial, must be compounded of a mixture of State and Federal authorities. It is not enough that honest men are appointed Judges. All know the influence of interest on the mind of man, and how uncon- sciously his judgment is warped by that influence. To this bias add that of the esprit de corps, of their peculiar maxim and creed that ' it is the office of a good Judge to enlarge his jurisdiction,' and the absence of responsibility ; and how can we expect impar- tial decision between the General government, of which they are themselves so eminent a part, and an individual state, from which they have nothing to hope or fear ? We have seen, too, that, con- trary to all correct example, they are in the habit of going out of the question before them, to throw an anchor ahead, and grapple further hold for future advances of power. They are then, in fact, the corps of sappers and miners, steadily working to undermine the independent rights of the states, and to consolidate all power in the hands of that government, in which they have so important a free- ^ hold estate./ But it is not by the consolidation, or concentration I of powers, tut by their distribution, tliat good government is ef- \fected. Were not this great country already divided into states, that division must be made, that each might do for itself what con- cerns itself directly, and what it can so much better do than a dis- tant authority. Every state again is divided into counties, each to take care of what lies within its local bounds; each county again into townships or wards, to manage minuter details ; and every ward into farms, to be governed each by its individual proprie- l')tor. Were we directed from Washington when to sow, and when rjto reap, we should soon want bread. It is by this partition of * cares, descending in gradation from general to particular, that the mass of human affairs may be best managed, for the good and prosperity of alL> I repeat, that I do not charge the judges with wilful and ill-intentioned error ; but honest error must be arrested, where its toleration leads to public ruin. As, for the safety of so- ciety, we commit honest maniacs to Bedlam, so judges should be

In the impeachment of Judge Pickering, of New Hampshire, a habitual and maniac drunkard, no defence was made. Had there been, the party vote of more than one third of the Senate would have acquitted him.

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withdrawn from their bench, whose erroneous biases are leading us to dissolution. It may, indeed, injure them in fame or in fortune ; but it saves the Republic, which is the first and supreme law.

Among tlie debilities of the government of the Confederation, no one was more distinguished or more distressing, than the utter impossibility of obtaining, from the States, the monies necessary for the payment of debts, or even for the ordinary expenses of the government. Some contributed a little, some less, and some nothing ; and the last, furnished at length an excuse for the first, to do nothing also. Mr. Adams, while residing at the Hague, had a general authority to borrow what sums might be requisite, for ordinary and necessary expenses. Interest on the public debt, and the maintenance of the diplomatic establishment in Europe, had been habitually provided in this way. He was now elected Vice President of the United States, was soon to return to Ame- rica, and had referred our bankers to me for future counsel, on our affairs in their hands. But I had no powers, no instructions, no means, and no familiarity with the subject. It had always been exclusively under his management, except as to occasional and partial deposites in the hands of Mr. Grand, banker in Paris, for special and local purposes. These last had been exhausted for some time, and I had fervently pressed the Treasuiy board to replenish this particular deposite, as Mr. Grand now refused to make further advances. They answered candidly, that no funds could be obtained until the new government should get into action, and have time to make its arrangements. Mr. Adams had re- ceived his appointment to the court of London, while engaged at Paris, with Dr. Franklin and myself, in the negotiations under our joint commissions. He had repaired thence to London, without returning to the Hague, to take leave of that government. He thought it necessary, however, to do so now, before he should leave Europe, and accordingly went there. I learned his departure from London, by a letter from Mrs. Adams, received on the very day on which he would arrive at the Hague. A consultation with him, and some provision for the future, was indispensable, while we could yet avail ourselves of his powers ; for when they would be gone, we should be without resource. I was daily dunned by a Company who had formerly made a small loan to the United States, the principal of which was now become due ; and our bankers in Amsterdam, had notified me that the interest on our general debt would be expected in June ; that if we failed to pay it, it would be deemed an act of bankruptcy, and would effectually destroy the credit of the United States, and all future prospect of obtain- ing money there ; that the loan they had been authorised to open,

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of which a third only was filled, had now ceased to get forward, and rendered desperate that hope of resource. I saw that there was not a moment to lose, and set out for the Hague on the 2nd morning after receiving the information of Mr. Adams's journey. I went the direct road by Louvres, Senlis, Roye, Pont St. Max- ence, Bois le due, Goiu-nay, Peronne, Cambray, Bouchain, Va- lenciennes, Mons, Bruxelles, Malines, Antwerp, Mordick, and Rotterdam, to the Hague, where I happily found Mr. Adams. He concurred with me at once in opinion, that something must be done, and that we ought to risk ourselves on doing it without in- structions, to save the credit of the United States. We foresaw, that before the new government could be adopted, assembled, es- tablish its financial system, get the money into the Treasury, and place it in Europe, considerable time would elapse ; that, therefore, we had better provide at once, for the years '88, '89, and '90, in order to place our government at its ease, and our credit in secu- rity, during that trying interval. We set out tlierefore, by the way of Ley den, for Amsterdam, where we arrived on the 10th. I had prepared an estimate, shewing that

Florins. There would be necessary for the year '88 — 531,937-10

'89—538,540 '90—473,540

Total, 1,544,017-10

Floiins. To meet this, the bankers had in hand, 79,208-2-8

and the unsold bonds would yield, 542,800 C22,0C8-2-8

Leaving a deficit of .... 921,949-7-4

We proposed then to borrow a million, yielding 920,000

Which would leave a small deficiency of . 1,949-7-4 Mr. Adams accordingly executed 1000 bonds, for 1000 florins each, and deposited them in the hands of our bankers, with in- structions, however, not to issue them until Congress should ratify the measure. This done, he returned to London, and I set out for Paris ; and, as nothing urgent forbade .it, I determined to re- turn along the banks of the Rhine, to Strasburg, and thence strike off to Paris. I accordingly left Amsterdam on the 30th of March, and proceeded by Utrecht, Nimeguen, Cleves, Duysberg, Dus- seldorf, Cologne, Bonne, Coblentz, Nassau, Hocheim, Frankfort, and made an excursion to Hanau, then to Mayence, and another excursion to Rudesheim, and Johansberg ; then by Oppenheim, Worms, and Manheim, making an excursion to Heidelberg, then by Spire, Carlsruh, Rastadt and Kelh, to Strasburg, where I ar- rived April the 16th, and proceeded again on the 18th, by Phals-

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bourg, Fenestrange, Dieuze, Moyenvie, Nancy, Toiil, Ligny, Barleduc, St. Diziers, Vitry, Chalons sur Marne, Epernay, Cha- teau Thierri, Meaux, to Paris, where I arrived on the 23rd of April : and I had the satisfaction to reflect, tliat by this journey, our credit was secured, the new government was placed at ease for two years to come, and that, as well as myself, relieved from the torment of incessant duns, whose just complaints could not be silenced by any means within our power.

A Consular Convention had been agreed on in '84, between Dr. Franklin and the French government, containing several articles, so entirely inconsistent with the laws of the several states, and the general spirit of our citizens, that Congress withheld their ratifica- tion, and sent it back to me, witli instructions to get those articles expunged, or modified so as to render them compatible with our laws. The Minister unwillingly released us from these concessions, which, indeed, autliorised the exercise of powers very offensive in a free state. After much discussion, the Convention was re- formed in a considerable degree, and was signed by the Count Montmorin and myself, on the 14th of November, '88 ; not, indeed, such as I would have wished ; but such as could be obtained witli good humor and friendship.

On my return from Holland, I found Paris as I had left it, still in high fermentation. Had the Archbishop, on the close of the Assembly of Notables, immediately carried into operation the measures contemplated, it was believed they would all have been registered by the Parliament ; but he was slow, presented his edicts, one after another, and at considerable intervals, which gave time for the feelings excited by the proceedings of the Notables to cool off, new claims to be advanced, and a pressure to arise for a fixed constitution, not subject to changes at the will of the King. Nor should we wonder at this pressure, when we consider the monstrous abuses of power under which this people were ground to powder ; when we pass in review the weight of their taxes, and the inequality of their distribution ; the oppressions of the tythes, the tallies, the corvees, the gabelles, the farms and the barriers ; the shackles on commerce by monopolies ; on industry by guilds and corporations ; on the freedom of conscience, of thought, and of speech ; on the freedom of tlie press by the Cen- sure ; and of the person by Lettres de Cachet ; the cruelty of the Criminal code generally ; the atrocities of the Rack ; the venality of Judges, and their partialities to the rich ; the monopoly of Military honors by the Noblesse ; the enormous expenses of the Queen, the Princes and the Court ; tlie prodigalities of pensions ; and the riches, luxuiy , indolence and immorality of the Clergy. Surely under such

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a mass of misrule and oppression, a people might justly press for thorough reformation, and might even dismount their rough shod riders, and leave them to walk on their own legs. The edicts, relative to the corvees and free circulation of grain, were first pre- sented to the Parliament and registered ; but those for the impot ter- ritorial, and stamp tax, offered some time after, were refused by the Parliament, which proposed a call of the States General, as alone competent to their authorization. Their refusal produced a Bed of justice, and their exile to Troyes. The Advocates, however, refusing to attend them, a suspension in the administration of jus- tice took place. The Parliament held out for a while, but the ennui of their exile and absence from Paris, began at length to be felt, and some dispositions for compromise to appear. On their consent, therefore, to prolong some of the former taxes, they were recalled from exile, the King met them in session, November 19, '87, promised to call the States General in the year '92, and a majority expressed their assent to register an edict for successive and annual loans from 1788 to '92 ; but a protest being entered by the Duke of Orleans, and this encouraging others in a disposi- tion to retract, the King ordered peremptorily the registry of the edict, and left the assembly abruptly. The Parliament imme- diately protested, that the votes for the enregistry had not been legally taken, and that they gave no sanction to the loans pro- posed. This was enough to discredit and defeat them. Here- upon issued another edict, for the establishment of a cour pleniere, and the suspension of all the Parliaments in the kingdom. This being opposed, as might be expected, by reclamations from all the Parliaments and Provinces, the King gave way, and by an edict of July 5th, '88, renounced his cour pleniere, and promised the States General for the 1st of May, of the ensuing year : and the Archbishop, finding the times beyond his faculties, accepted the promise of a Cardinal's hat, was removed [September '88] from the Ministry, and Mr. Necker was called to the department of finance. The hmocent rejoicings of the people of Paris on this change, provoked the interference of an officer of the city guards, whose order for their dispersion not being obeyed, he charged them with fixed bayonets, killed two or three, and wound- ed many. Tliis dispersed them for the moment, but they collect- ed the next day in great numbers, burnt ten or twelve guard houses, killed two or three of the guards, and lost six or eight more of their own number. The city was hereupon put under Martial law, and after a while the tumult subsided. The effect of this change of ministers, and the promise of the States General at an early day, iranquilized the nation. But two great questions now

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occurred. 1st. What proportion shall the number of deputies of tlie Tiers etat bear to those of the Nobles and Clergy ? And 2nd. shall they sit in the same or in distinct apartments ? Mr. Necker, de- sirous of avoiding himself these knotty questions, proposed a se- cond call of the same Notables, and that their advice should be asked on the subject. They met, November 9, '88, and, by five bureaux against one, they recommended the forms of the States General of 1614 ; wherein the Houses were separate, and voted by orders, not by persons. But the whole nation declaring at once against this, and that the Tiers etat should be, in numbers, equal to both the other orders, and the Parliament deciding for the same proportion, it was determined so to be, by a declaration of December 27th, '88. A Report of Mr. Necker, to the King, of about the same date, contained other very important concessions. 1 . That the King could neither lay a new tax, nor prolong an old one. 2. It expressed a readiness to agree on the periodical meet- ing of the States. 3. To consult on the necessary restricdon on Lettres de Cachet; and 4. How far the press might be made free. 5. It admits that the States are to appropriate the public money ; and 6. That Ministers shall be responsible for public expendi- tures. And these concessions came from the very heart of the King. He had not a wish but for the good of the nation ; and for that object, no personal sacrifice would ever have cost him a mo- ment's regret ; but his mind was weakness itself, his constitution timid, his judgment null, and without sufficient firmness even to stand by the faith of his word. His Queen, too, haughty and bearing no contradiction, had an absolute ascendancy over him ; and around her were rallied the King's brother d'Artois, the court - generally, and the aristocratic part of his Ministers, particularly Breteuil, Broglio, Vauguyon, Foulon, Luzerne, men whose prin- ciples of government were those of the age of Louis XIV. Against this host, the good counsels of Necker, Montmorin, St. Priest, although in unison with the wishes of the King himself, were of little avail. The resolutions of the morning, formed under their advice, would be reversed in the evening, by tlie influence of the Queen and court. But the hand of Heaven weighed heavily indeed on the machinations of this junto ; producing collateral in- cidents, not arising out of the case, yet powerfully co-exciting the nation, to force a regeneration of its government, and overwhelm- ing, with accumulated difficulties, this liberticide resistance. For, while laboring under the want of money for even ordinary pur- poses, in a government which required a million of livres a day, and driven to the last ditch by the universal call for liberty, there came on a winter of such severe cold, as was without example in

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the memory of man, or in the written records of history. The Mercury was at times 50^ below the freezing point of Farenheit, and 22*^ below that of Reaumur. All out-door labor was sus- pended, and the poor, without the wages of labor, were, of course, without either bread or fuel. The government found its necessi- ties aggravated by that of procuring immense quantities of fire- wood, and of keeping great fires at all the cross streets, around which the people gathered in crowds, to avoid perishing with cold. Bread, too, was to be bought, and distributed daily, gratis, until a relaxation of the season should enable the people to work : and the slender stock of bread stuff had for some time threatened fa- mine, and had raised that article to an enormous price. So great, indeed, was the scarcity of bread, that, from the highest to the lowest citizen, the bakers were permitted to deal but a scanty al- lowance per head, even to those who paid for it ; and, in cards of invitation to dine in the richest houses, the guest was notified to bring his own bread. To eke out the existence of the people, every person who had the means, was called on for a weekly sub- scription, which the Cures collected, and employed in providing messes for the nourishment of the poor, and vied with each other in devising such economical compositions of food, as would subsist the greatest number, with the smallest means. This want of bread had been foreseen for some time past, and M. de Montmorin had desired me to notify it in America, and that, in addition to the market price, a premium should be given on what should be brought from the United States. Notice was accordingly given, and produced considerable supplies. Subsequent information made tlie importations from America, during the months of March, April and May, into the Adantic ports of France, amount to about twenty-one thousand barrels of flour, besides what went to other ports, and in other months ; while our supplies to their West Indian islands relieved them also from that drain. This distress for bread continued till July.

Hitherto no acts of popular violence had been produced by the struggle for political reformation. Little riots, on ordinary incidents, had taken place as at other times, in different parts of the kingdom, in which some lives, perhaps a dozen or twenty, had been lost ; but in the month of April, a more serious one occurred in Paris, unconnected, indeed, with the Revolutionary principle, but making . part of the history of the day. The Fauxljourg St. Antoine, is a quarter of the city, inhabited entirely by the class of day laborers and journeymen in every line. A rumor was spread among them, that a great paper manufacturer, of the name of Reveillon, had proposed, on some occasion, that their wages should be lowered

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to fifteen sous a day. Inflamed at once into rage, and without enquiring into its trudi, they flew to his house in vast numbers, de- stroyed every thing in it, and in his magazines and work shops, without secredng, however, a pin's worth to themselves, and were continuing this work of devastation, when the regular troops were called in. Admonitions being disregarded, they were of necessity fired on, and a regular action ensued, in w4iich about one hundred of them were killed, before the rest would disperse. There had rarely passed a year without such a riot, in some part or other of the kingdom ; and this is distinguished only as cotemporary with the Revolution, although not produced by it.

The States General were opened on the 5th of May, '89, by speeches from the King, the Garde des Sceaux, Lamoignon, and Mr. Necker. The last was thought to trip too lightly over the consdtutional reformations which were expected. His notices of them in diis speech, were not as full as in his previous * Rapport au Roi.' This was observed, to his disadvantage : but much al- lowance should have been made for the situation in which he was placed, between his own counsels, and those of the ministers and party of the court. Overruled in his own opinions, compelled to de- liver, and to gloss over those of his opponents, and even to keep their secrets, he could not come forward in his own attitude.

The composition of the Assembly, although equivalent, on the whole, to what had been expected, was something different in its elements. It had been supposed, that a superior education would carry into the scale of the Commons, a respectable portion of the Noblesse. It did so as to those of Paris, of its vicinity, and of the other considerable cities, whose greater intercourse with enlighten- ed society had liberalised their minds, and prepared them to ad- vance up to the measure of the times. But the Noblesse of tlie country, which constituted two thirds of tiiat body, were far in their rear. Residing constantly on their patrimonial feuds, and familiarised, by daily habit, with Seigneurial powers and practices, they had not yet learned to suspect their inconsistence with reason and right. They were willing to submit to equality of taxation, but not to descend from their rank and prerogatives to be incor- [)orated in session with the Tiers etat. Among the Clergy, on the odier hand, it had been apprehended that the higher orders of the Hierarchy, by their wealth and connections, would have carried the elections generally ; but it turned out, that in most cases, the lower clergy had obtained the popular majorities. These consist- ed of die Cures, sons of the peasantry, who had been employed to do all the drudgery of parochial services for ten, twenty, oi:

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thirty Louis a year ; while their superiors were consuming their princely revenues, in palaces of luxury and indolence.

The objects for which this body was convened, being of the first order of importance, I felt it very interesting to understand the views of the parties of which it was composed, and especially the ideas prevalent, as to the organization contemplated for their go- vernment. I went, therefore, daily from Paris to Versailles, and attended their debates, generally till the hour of adjournment. Those of the Noblesse were impassioned and tempestuous. They had some able men on both sides, actuated by equal zeal. The debates of the Commons were temperate, rational, and in- flexibly firm. As preliminary to all other business, the awful questions came on, shall the States sit in one, or in distinct apart- ments ? And shall they vote by heads or houses ? The opposition was soon found to consist of the Episcopal order among the clergy, and two thirds of the Noblesse ; while the Tiers etat were, to a man, united and determined. After various propositions of compromise had failed, the Commons undertook to cut the Gordian knot. The Abbe Sieyes, the most logical head of the nation, (author of the pamphlet 'Qu'est ce que le Tiers etat?' which had electrified that country, as Paine's Common Sense did us,) after an impressive speech on the 10th of June, moved that a last invitation should be sent to the Nobles and Clergy, to attend in the hall of the States, collectively or individually, for the verification of powers, to which the Commons would proceed immediately, either in their ppesence or absence. This verification being finished, a motion was made, on the 15th, that they should constitute themselves a National Assembly; which was decided on the 17th, by a majority of four fifths. During the debates on this question, about twenty of the Cures had joined them, and a proposition was made, in the cham- ber of the Clergy, that their whole body should join. This was rejected, at first, by a small majority only ; but, being afterwards somewhat modified, it was decided affirmatively, by a majority of eleven. While this was under debate, and unknown to the court, to wit, on the 19th, a council was held in the afternoon, at Marly, wherein it was proposed that the King should interpose, by a de- claration of his sentiments, in a seance royale. A form of decla- ration was proposed by Necker, which, while it censured, in gene- ral, the proceedings, botli of the Nobles and Commons, announced the King's views, such as substantially to coincide with the Com- mons. It was agreed to in Council, the seance was fixed for the 22nd, the meetings of the States were till then to be suspended, and every thing, in the mean time, kept secret. The members, the next morning (the 20th) repairing to their house, as usual, found

the doors shut and guarded, a proclamation posted up for a seance royale on tlie 22nd, and a suspension of their meetings in the mean time. Concluding that their dissolution was now to take place, they repaired to a building called the ' Jeu de paume' (or Tennis court) and there bound themselves by oath to each other, never to separate, of their own accord,